The invisible Palestinians 
  of Egypt Refugees face discrimination, poverty and no access to basic services
   
 
Oroub El Abed
18 August 2003,
  Daily Star (Beirut) 
  - Opinion Section
The invisible Palestinians 
  of Egypt Refugees face discrimination, poverty and no access to basic services 
  
  
  
  Palestinians in Egypt have been living for the last 25 five years without any 
  international or national assistance or protection. Very little is known about 
  their status, especially that there are no refugee camps hosting them. The Palestinians 
  as refugees in Egypt and their living situation has not been a matter of concern 
  in most of the literature, neither for the PLO nor for people in Egypt as an 
  issue to draw attention to. To fill this gap, for the last two years I have 
  conducted research on the Palestinians and their condition and livelihoods in 
  Egypt. Along with searching literature about what has been written about those 
  "forgotten Palestinians," we also conducted a qualitative field study to collect 
  vivid experiences from Palestinians in Egypt about their daily struggles as 
  refugees. 
  
  Palestinians in Egypt were estimated to be about 53,000 by the end of 2000, 
  according to the ambassador of Palestine to Egypt, Zuhdi al-Qudweh. Two main 
  reasons brought Palestinians to Egypt over the years. First, the two Palestinian-Israeli 
  wars of 1948 and 1967 brought Palestinians en masse to Egypt. They were put 
  in temporary camps in Egypt before being asked to either leave to Gaza -- when 
  possible -- or to settle in Egypt. 
  
  Second, socio-economic reasons, especially after Egypt administered the Gaza 
  Strip as of 1949, brought many Palestinians, mainly from Gaza, to work and to 
  be educated in Egypt. With time, and due to the 1967 war, they were unable to 
  return to Gaza and had to remain. Except for the unions supported by the PLO, 
  Palestinians are not seen as a community in the areas in which they live in 
  Egypt. They are dispersed in small numbers and assimilated in the main urban 
  governorates in Egypt, such as Cairo, Alexandria, Ismailieh, Port Said, Shariqieh 
  Qualyibieh, Rafah and Ariesh. 
  
  Until 1978, Palestinians in Egypt were treated on a par with nationals. They 
  were able to acquire education, even university degrees, secure employment ? 
  even in the government ? and own property and land. Egypt's Palestinians made 
  up a good percentage of those working in the Gulf during the 1960s and 1970s, 
  because of their high qualifications. During this period, Palestinians were 
  known as highly educated professionals; they worked in medicine, commerce, engineering, 
  teaching and management. 
  
  The Camp David peace accords and the killing of Youssef al-Sibai in 1978 by 
  a Palestinian faction group of Abu Nidal al-Banna had a negative impact on Egyptian 
  policy toward Palestinians in Egypt, with newspapers in this country orchestrating 
  negative images. For example, some accused Palestinians of "ingratitude," of 
  being responsible for their own situation by "selling their land," and referring 
  to them as the "economic Palestinian monsters" devouring the Egyptian economy. 
  
  
  Laws and regulations were amended to treat Palestinians as foreigners. Their 
  rights to free education, employment and even residency were taken away from 
  them. University education now has to be paid for in foreign currency. For example, 
  from 1965-1978, Palestinian students studying at universities had numbered 20,000, 
  but by 1985 the number had dropped to 4,500. Those enrolled in public universities 
  between the years 1997-1998 and 2000-2001 were 3,048. Those who had established 
  themselves earlier in the public and the private sector were able to remain 
  in their positions. Government employees or professionals, such as doctors and 
  lawyers, kept their posts. No new Palestinians were hired by the state, however. 
  With access to government jobs gone, they are left with the private sector and 
  the informal economy. The private sector requires skills, which, without education, 
  Palestinians are unable to obtain. It also requires work permits, and in Egypt 
  the number of "foreigners" may not exceed 10 percent of the work force. Palestinians 
  are forced to find work in such sectors as driving trucks and taxis for others, 
  bicycle repair shops, petty trade in commodities such as used clothing on the 
  street, and 'suitcase merchants' who take items from various parts of Egypt 
  to sell in Gaza ? but now even this trade has stopped because of the intifada. 
  
  
  According to the field interviews with Palestinians dispersed in squatter areas 
  in Cairo, Sharqieh and Qualiubieh governorates, many of the Palestinians are 
  living far below the poverty line, since their income from informal sector opportunities 
  is very unstable. 
  
  The situation is better for the employees of the PLO, the Palestine Liberation 
  Army and current and former Egyptian government employees. They are ensured 
  regular income, and, later, a regular pension. In addition to the education 
  of their children, they are exempted from 90 percent of university fees. 
  
  Renewal of Palestinian residency permits in Egypt is conditional on paying a 
  fee and proving they have a reason to be here ? even though none of them can 
  go back to Palestine. Each must provide evidence of attending a school or university, 
  legal employment (a work contract), a business partnership with an Egyptian, 
  or marriage with an Egyptian woman, to mention a few. Lacking any of these, 
  they must have a bank statement showing they have $5000. As consequence there 
  are many Palestinians living illegally without residency in Egypt, and they 
  all risk being jailed or deported. 
  
  All Palestinians in Egypt have travel documents on which their residency permits 
  are stamped. Travel is also conditional; being out of the country more than 
  six months invalidates the residency in Egypt. If they want to stay longer, 
  they must apply for a re-entry permit which requires proof of a work permit 
  or student status elsewhere, and they can only remain out of Egypt for one year 
  at the most. Palestinians who return late are not permitted to enter. Recently, 
  such a case reported in the Al-Hayat Newspaper in November 2002 involved a student 
  in Moscow who spent 14 months between the airports of Egypt and Russia. Eventually, 
  the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) helped 
  him get asylum in Sweden. 
  
  Who protects the rights of Palestinians in Egypt? UNHCR is expected to protect 
  Palestinians who are outside UNRWA's areas of operation. However, due to an 
  Arab political decision, UNHCR has been hampered in protecting Palestinians. 
  The Arab League feared that Palestinians, if protected by UNHCR, would lose 
  their identity, and their cause would be diluted, particularly if UNHCR "resettled" 
  them to other countries. 
  
  As for national protection, Egypt and other Arab countries committed to grant 
  Palestinian refugees residence, and the right to work and travel, on the same 
  footing as their own citizens, when it signed the 1965 Arab League Casablanca 
  Protocol. From 1978, this commitment has not been upheld. 
  
  The general perception in the region has been that Palestinians in Egypt have 
  been treated like citizens. In fact, as our research has shown, they have been 
  invisible people of sorts, eeking out their living without the attention of 
  the international community. 
  
  Oroub El Abed, research associate at the Forced 
  Migration Refugee Studies Program at the American University in Cairo (www.aucegypt.edu/fmrs), 
  wrote this briefing for THE DAILY STAR. She can be contacted at oroub@aucegypt.edu.
© 2003 Palestinian Development Research 
  Net (PRRN)
  The page was last modified on August 20, 20032 by Rex Brynen.