Public Opinion and Palestinian Refugees
Source: Report submitted to the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa
by Elia Zureik
Queen's University, Kingston,
Ontario
December 1999
Acknowledgments
The author wishes to thank the research
team for working diligently and under pressure to complete
the study within a short period of time. Special
thanks are due to Dr. As'ad Ghanem of Haifa University
and Mr. Taha Ashkar for undertaking the responsibility
of translating and overseeing the administration
of the questionnaires. The efficiency with which
the interviews and data analysis were completed is
greatly appreciated. My gratitude goes to the several
interviewers who participated in the study. Above
all it is the interviewees who deserve the greatest
thanks. Without their cooperation the study would
have not been possible.
I also wish to thank Dr. Eppie Yaar from the Tami
Steinmetz Center at Tel-Aviv University, and Mr.
Jamil Rabah from the Jerusalem Media and Communications
Centre, for their efforts in contributing to a much
needed comparative public opinion data on Palestinian
refugees.
Finally, I would like to register special appreciation
for the foresight of the International Development
Research Centre in Ottawa for encouraging this research,
and in particular the efforts of Ms. Eileen Alma
and Ms. Roula El-Rifai of the Special Initiatives
Programme, who saw to it that the research proposal
was processed expeditiously. Special thanks to Mary
Zureik for providing technical advice in the production
of this report.
Needless to say, the author is solely responsible
for interpreting the results and writing the final
report.
Elia Zureik
Kingston, Ontario
December 1999
Introduction
During two stocktaking workshops devoted to Palestinian
refugees which were held in Ottawa in 1997 and 1998,
and organized by the International Development Research
Centre and the Palestine Refugee ResearchNet from
McGill University, recommendations were made to explore
in a systematic manner the Palestinian refugee issue
as perceived by both Israelis and Palestinians. In
particular, it was pointed out that, while there
is some public opinion data on the refugee issue
emanating from the Palestinian side in Gaza and the
West Bank, there is a dearth of data pertaining to
the Israeli public - both Arab and Jewish. In order
to fill this gap and come up with a comprehensive
picture of what Palestinians and Jews think of the
refugee issue, now thatfinal status talks are looming
ahead, the author sought the joint cooperation of
two organizations which are involved in public opinion
surveys: one is located at Tel-Aviv University, the
Tami Steinmetz Centre for Peace Research; and the
other is in East Jerusalem, the Jerusalem Media and
Communications Centre (JMCC), an independent, non-governmental
organization which canvasses public opinion in the
West Bank and Gaza. Both of these organizations have
been involved in research directly related to the
MiddleEast peace process. The Steinmetz Centre surveys
on a regular basis the Jewish public on the peace
process, and the JMCC does the same thing with regard
to the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. I
undertook to canvass the Arab public in Israel, while
JMCC polled Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza,
and the Steinmetz Centre surveyed the Israeli Jewish
public.
Rather than rely on commercial polling organizations
in Israel, which routinely survey the Jewish public
but have little experience in the Arab sector, I
decided to seek a more reliable method of surveying
the Arab population. Based on my previous work in
the region, and more recent discussions with Israeli
public opinion firms, I decided to rely on face-to-face
interviews of Arab respondents. Dr. Asíad
Ghanem, a political scientist at Haifa University,
who is experienced in conducting public opinion polls
in the Arab sector, agreed to coordinate the field
work and oversee the selection of interviewers. Assisting
him in this task was Mr. Taha Ashkar, who was in
charge of drawing up the random sample of respondents,
monitoring the interviewing process, and carrying
out analysis of the data.
A three-way coordination ensued between me, Professor
Eppie Yaar from the Steinmetz Centre, and Mr. Jamil
Rabah from the JMCC in order to design a common questionnaire
which would be given to the three representative
samples from Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza.
Samples
The sample of Palestinians in Israel consisted of
500 men and women ranging in age from 18 and above,
and drawn on a stratified, random basis from 20 localities
representing size of community and regional distribution.
In line with other published estimates, around one-quarter
(23.2%) of the randomly selected respondents turned
out to be internal refugees, i.e., those who were
displaced in 1948 and remained in what became Israel,
but were not allowed to go back to their villages.
The interviews were carried out face-to-face, and
were conducted during November 1-10, 1999. The Israeli
Jewish sample consisted of 500 persons, who were
interviewed by telephone, while face-to-face interviews
were used to reach the West Bank sample of 762 respondents,
and Gazaís 438 respondents.
The sample of the Palestinians in Israel has a marginal
error of +/- 4.5%. The questionnaire
was pilot tested on 8 individuals of various age
groups, comprising men and women. Collection of information
from respondents was the responsibility of 12 interviewers,
most of whom are either graduates of or currently
studying atIsraeli universities. Very few of the
older respondents who appeared on the random list,
particularly women, refused to participate in the
study. Interviewers were instructed to seek replacements
for them from a computerized list of voters supplied
by the IsraeliMinistry of Interior. For more details
on the sample, see Appendix D.
The Questionnaire
The main survey instrument used 18 questions, 13
of which were common to the three groups being studied,
and 5 specific questions were asked of Israeli Jews
and their counterpart - the Palestinian citizens
of Israel. In the case of the latter, additional
four questions were used which dealt primarily with
internal refugees as they related directly to the
Arab community in Israel. The common questions were
designed to (1) weigh the relative importance and
difficulty in dealing with various final status issues
(Palestinian state, Jerusalem, refugees, borders,
water, and Jewish settlements), (2) the cause and
responsibility surrounding the 1948 exodus of Palestinian
refugees, (3) proposed solutions to the refugee problem
and the feasibility of implementing these solutions,
(4) possible places for settling Palestinian refugees,
including their right to return home, (5) modalities
of compensating Palestinian refugees and Jewish immigrants
from Arab countries, (6) general endorsement of international
law governing displacement of people during times
of war, and its applicability to the Palestinian
case, (7) subjective estimates of Palestinian refugee
numbers and those who would be willing to take advantage
of the right of return, (8) perceived relationship,
if any, between Jewish immigration from Arab countries
to Israel, on the one hand, and the issue of Palestinian
refugees, on the other, and (9) awareness of the
existenceof internal Palestinian refugees in Israel,
and what should be the attitude of the Israeli government
towards them.
Three additional questions, given only to the Palestinian
sample in Israel, focused on whether or not the respondent
had relatives among the1948 refugees, the extent
of their willingness to assist in the absorption
of returning refugees, and if the solution to the
problems of the internally displaced refugees should
be linked to solving the larger refugee problem.
See Appendix E for the fullquestionnaire.
Method of Reporting
While this study focuses mainly on the Arab sector
in Israel, it also provides comparative data on the
common questions used in the three surveys. Analysis
of the data will be based on marginal and bi-variate
distributions. There are four parts to this report.
First, a summary of the findings from surveying the
Palestinians in Israel is provided. Second, the report
provides in summary format a comparative section
dealing with the three samples. Third, further analysis
of the Palestinian data from Israel will be examined
by looking at the relationship between certain demographic/background
questions and attitudes to the refugee issue. In
this regard, several key variables were chosen for
close examination: that of gender, whether or not
the respondent has relatives among the 1948 refugees,
regional location, and the respondentís age.
Additional information is provided in five Appendices.
Appendix A presents tables pertaining to the 13 questions
that are common to the three samples. Appendix B
presents data derived from 5 questions given to the
Israeli sample of both Arabs and Jews. Appendix C
consists of tables summarizing the results of three
questions given to the Palestinian sample in Israel.
Demographic and background information is presented
in Appendix D, while the full questionnaire is reproduced
in Appendix E.
Findings
The Palestinians in Israel
- In terms of degree of difficulty in reaching
agreement on final-status issues, respondents ranked
Jerusalem at the top of their first choice (53.2%),
followed by Palestinian state (14.2%), and the
third rank in the first choice centered on the
fate of the refugees (11.0%).
- With regard to the importance of
reaching an agreement on final-status issues, here
too Jerusalem was ranked first (48%), followed
by Palestinian state (13.8%), and the refugees issue
(13.6%).
- With between 75% and 80% of the respondents making
first-rank choice on the above three issues combined,
the remaining final status issues involving Jewish
settlements, water, and borders, were perceived
to be secondary in terms of both importance
and difficulty.
- If we consider the three combined choices per
respondent, the following picture emerges: with
regard to difficulty, 83% placed Jerusalem as either
their first, second, or third choice; 57% placed
the refugee issue in the three choices, and 52%
opted for a Palestinian state as either first,
second or third choice combined.
- Based on first, second or third choice, Jerusalem
was chosen as the most important issue to resolve
in final-status negotiations by 76% of the respondents,
54% chose a Palestinian state, and a close 53%
placed the refugee problem in their three combined
choices.
- Close to 61% blamed Jewish forces primarily for
the expulsion of Palestinian refugees, with only
6% saying that the refugees left voluntarily, and
1% blaming Arab leaders for the refugee exodus.
- In another question about "responsibility" for
creating the refugee problem, seventy-three per
cent put the responsibility on Israel, either solely
(40.6%) or mostly (33%).
- In terms of justice, 61.4% said that a proper
solution to the refugee issue should be based on
United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194,
and 22% said that such solution should emerge from
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians;
only 5% left the decision on solving the refugee
issue in Israelís hands solely.
- In contrast, close to one-half of the sample
(49.2%) saw as feasible solving the refugee problem
on the basis of Resolution 194, 29.6% defined feasibility
in terms of return of a limited number of refugees
to be decided in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations,
and only 7.8% left feasibility to be defined solely
in terms of Israelí s decisions.
- Fifty-eight per cent said that the 1948 refugees
should be allowed to return to their homes in Israel,
an additional 22.6% combined the Palestinian state
and Israel as possible places for settling the
refugees, and 11.2% chose the Palestinian state
as the only site for resettlement, and a meager
2.4% opted for settling the refugees in their current
locations in the Middle East and elsewhere.
- Israel was singled out by 69% as the source for
compensating the refugees for their losses. Other
responses included the United Nations and other
international organizations (8%), Arab governments
(less than one per cent), and 12% gave combined
responses.
- With regard to a similar question dealing with
compensation of Jewish immigrants who came to Israel
from the Arab countries, 37.4% called on Israel
to compensate these immigrants, 25.% said no one
should compensate them, and 7.4% laid the responsibility
for compensation on Arab governments. One per cent
saw compensation of Jewish immigrants to be a Palestinian
responsibility
- Seventy per cent agreed without any qualification
with international law stipulating the repatriation
of refugees who leave their homes either voluntarily
or by force during war, and 22.4% gave qualified
endorsement depending on "circumstances".
- An overwhelming, combined majority of 92% strongly
agreed (69.2%) or agreed (22.8%) that such international
law applies to the repatriation of Palestinian
refugees.
- Knowledge about the actual number of refugees
was fuzzy, with 42.8% saying they do not know how
many there are, and only 17.4% coming close to
the actual number of between 3-4 million (10.6%),
and those saying 4 million or more (6.8%). Almost
20% estimated the number to be less than one million.
- Estimates of the number of refugees who would
be willing to take advantage of the law of return
varied from as low as less than half million (16%),
to between 1-3 million (18.2%), and 15.6% opted
for 4 million or more. What is significant about
these responses is that 42.4% did not know how
many would be prepared to return. As we will point
out below, the majority of respondents answering "Don't
Know" happen to be women and older people.
- Around 54% said that no link should be made in
final status talks between Palestinian refugees
and Jewish immigrants from Arab countries, 22.6%
said the two issues should be linked, and a similar
22.6% did not know.
- Close to 90% knew about the existence of internal
Palestinian refugees in Israel. Ninety-three per
cent agreed that Israel should allow the return
of these refugees to their villages (76.2% strongly
agreed, and 17% agreed), and 2.2% of the respondents
indicated that they actually live on or make use
of abandoned refugee property.
- Forty-seven per cent said that they have relatives
among the 1948 refugees, and 54.4% expressed willingness
to assist in their absorption once they return.
- More than ninety per cent (93.2%) advocated solving
the problem of internal refugees in the context
of solving the general Palestinian problem by returning
the displaced to their villages (65.2%), or by
giving them compensation either in kind or in cash
(28%).
Comparative Findings
This section compares the attitudes of the four
groups on common items in the survey. The reader
who is interested in detailed, item-by-item comparison,
can refer to Appendix A. As expected, the starkest
contrast is between Palestinians in general and Israeli
Jews. On every question, Jewish respondents adopted
a harsher stance on the refugee issue. However, it
is not all black and white. Bearing in mind that
the Palestinian refugee issue has been hardly discussed
in the Israeli media and by politicians until very
recently, the findings below show that there is a
developing interest among the Israeli Jewish public
in the refugee issue.
- In contrast to the Palestinians in the West Bank
and Gaza, as well as those in Israel, Jewish respondents
placed the refugee issue overall in fifth place
(first, second and third choice combined) in terms
of overall difficulty, and seventh place in termsof
overall importance among the six topics to be discussed
during final-status negotiations. The Palestinians
in the West Bank and Gaza placed the refugees in
second place in terms of difficulty and third place
in terms of importance (first, second and third
choice combined). Of the various issues facing
negotiators , the four groups
placed Jerusalem at the top of their ranking in
terms of difficulty and importance. It is interesting
to note that for the West Bankers and Gazans, the
choice of Palestinian state is ranked fourth in
terms of both importanceand difficulty. Agreement
over the futureof Jewish settlements is more salient
to West Bankers and Gazans, as well as to Israeli
Jews. As a matter of fact, excluding the Palestinians
in Israel who ranked Jewish settlements overall
in fourth place in terms of difficulty and importance,
Israeli Jews are closer in their perception of
the issue of settlements to Palestinians in the
West Bank and Gaza, thus placing settlements in
the second place (for Jews), and third place for
West Bankers and Gazans.
- A distinction is made in the questionnaire between "cause" and " responsibility" pertaining
to the exodus of the 1948 refugees. Among the three
Palestinian groups in the sample, 63.5% of Gazans,
60.8% of the Palestinians in Israel, and 56.4%
of West Bankers blamed Jewish forces for causing
the Palestinian refugee problem through expulsion.
Very few said that the refugees left voluntarily
(from 6% of the Palestinians in Israel and 4.5%
of those in the West Bank, to 3.2% of the Palestinians
in Gaza), or that they were told to leave by Arab
leaders of neighbouring states (5.5% for Gazans,
6.2% for West Bankers, and 1% for the Palestinians
in Israel).
- When it comes to responsibility for creating
the refugee problem, a total of 76.6% of the Palestinians
in Israel blamed only Israel (40.6%) or mostly
Israel (33%), compared to 50.4% of West Bankers
and 47.5% of Gazans. What is interesting in this
regard is that a significant number of Palestinians
in the West Bank (40.9%) and Gaza (45.4%) put the
responsibility jointly on Israel and the Arab countries.
What this may mean is that in the eyes of Palestinians
in the West Bank and Gaza, Arab governments did
little in 1948 to come to the aid of Palestinian
refugees. Or, worse, that they colluded with Israel
in protecting their interests. A very small proportion
put the responsibility solely on the Arab side
(4.5% for Gazans, 3.5% for West Bankers, and 0.8%
for the Palestinians in Israel).
- As anticipated, the Jewish respondents differed
from their Palestinian counterparts on these two
questions. With regard to the cause ofexpulsion,
the largest single category of 31% went to those
Israeli Jews who said that Jewish forces expelled
Palestinian refugees, 29.9% said that the refugees
left voluntarily, and 17.3% said they left because
Arab leaders told them to leave. Around one-quarter,
23.3%, did not know. Turning to the responsibility
for creating the refugee problem, 11.8% of Israeli
Jews blamed Israel only (4.8%) or mostly (7.0%),
and 35.5% blamed both Israel and the Arab side.
In other words, close to half (47.3%) of Israeli
Jews implicated Israel in one way or another with
responsibility for creating the refugee problem.
Of the Israeli Jewish respondents, a total of 43.3%
blamed only (21.1%) or mostly (22.2%) the Arab
side, and close to 10% did not know.
- In excess of 80% of Palestinians in the West
Bank and Gaza defined a just solution to the refugee
problem in terms of applying the United Nations
Resolution 194, while a very small number opted
for leaving a just solution to be decided solely
by Israel (1.8% for Gazans and 3.5% for West Bankers).
Between 10 and 12 per cent of both groups said
that a just solution involves the return of a limited
number of refugees, depending on negotiations between
Israel and the Palestinians. Among the Palestinians
in Israel, the corresponding figure is 22%.
- Is it feasible to apply United Nations Resolution
194 for solving the refugee issue? The percentage
agreeing to this varied from 66.8% for West Bankers
and 58% among Gazans, to 49.2% for the Palestinians
in Israel. The corresponding figures among the
three groups who advocated the return of a limited
number of refugees in the context of negotiations
were as follows: 15.7%, 24.2%, and 29.6%, respectively.
A very small number of between 6% and 8% said that
Israel alone should decide on whoreturns from the
refugees.
- A tiny minority of Israeli Jews endorsed United
Nations Resolution 194 as either just (4.5%) or
feasible (4.7%) solution for the refugee problem.
The majority (57%) felt it was just for Israel
to decide solely on who of the refugees goes back.
Likewise, 51% left it for Israel solely to decide
on the feasibility of solving the refugee problem.
Around one-fifth of Israeli Jews endorsed the return
of a limited number of refugees depending on negotiations
between Israel and the Palestinians. Less than
one per cent of Israeli Jews surveyed said that
there is no refugee problem.
- While around 80% of the three Palestinian groups
in the sample said that anyone wishing to return should
be allowed to do so, among Israeli Jews the corresponding
figure was 11.5%. Close to 43% of Israeli Jews
said no refugee should be allowed to go back, and
around one-third (32.6%) approved of the return
of a limited number - from "few hundreds" to "few
thousands" - in the context of negotiations between
Israeland the Palestinians.
- Where should the Palestinian refugees be settled?
A majority of the Jewish sample (57.2%) said that
they should be settled in their present locations
in the Middle East and elsewhere. One-third mentioned
the Palestinian state as a possible place for absorbing
the refugees, and only 5.3% approved of their return
to their homes in Israel. The majority of Palestinians
in the study (between 53% and 58%) wanted the refugees
to go back to their homes, followed by settling
them in the Palestinian state, or a combined place
of settlement in Israel and the Palestinian state.
- Around 70% of the Palestinians in Israel said
that Israel should compensate the refugees. Among
Israeli Jews, the figure was 18%, while 41% of
Israeli Jews named international bodies such as
the UN as a possible source for compensation. Seventeen
per cent of Israeli Jews denied any compensation
to Palestinian refugees, and 20% named Arab governments
as a source for compensating Palestinian refugees,
and 11% chose the US. Palestinian respondents from
Gaza and the West Bank answered the question with
a breakdown of an additional category inserted
in the questionnaire. Thus, 25% of West Bankers
named Israel as the sole source for compensation,
and 13.5% of Gazans said the same thing. However,
in the additional combined responses, for a total
of 46% of the West Bankers, Israel should be a
party to payment of compensation; they named Israel
and international bodies (32%), Israel and Arab
governments (5.4%), Israel, international bodies
and Arab governments (8.7%), and an additional
group named international bodies and Arab governments
(3.0%). A total of 58% of Gazans gave the following
answers to the same breakdown, respectively: 27.2%,
15.5%, 6.8%, and 8.4%.
- Fifty-four per cent, 56%, and 70% of the three
Palestinian samples in Gaza, West Bank and Israel,
respectively, endorsed without any qualifications
international law stipulating that displaced refugees
should be allowed to return to their homes. Among
Israeli Jews unqualified support for this principle
extended to 18%. However, 52% of Israeli Jews endorsed
this international law with qualifications, compared
to 29% of Gazans, 27% of West Bankers, and 22%
of the Palestinians in Israel.
- While close to 90% of the Palestinians sampledagreed
that international law governing displacement displacement
during time of war applies to the Palestinian refugees,
among Israeli Jews it was 40%, and 50% of Israeli
Jews disagreed with the applicability of the law
to the Palestinian case.
- Knowledge about the number of Palestinian refugees
varied in the groups studied. Among Israeli Jews,
37% could not estimate the number of refugees,
and 31% placed it at less than one million. Only
9% gave figures approximating the actual number
of between 3 to 4 million refugees and above. Of
the four sampled groups, Gazans gave the most realistic
estimate of the refugees: 3-4 million (22.5%),
and 4 million and above (21.7%), followed by West
Bankers at 18.2% and 16.4%, respectively. Palestinians
in Israel were the least knowledgeable, with 42%
saying they did not know how many refugees there
are. But as we will show in the next section, extent
knowledge is a function of age and gender.
- Palestinians in the West Bank estimated that
17.3% of all the refugees would take advantage
of the right of return, 13% said between 2-3 million
would return, 23.4% between 1-2 million, and about
30% estimated that less than 500,000 would return.
Among Gaza respondents, the figures are: 10.7%
for 4 million and more, 18.5% for 2-3 million,
32% for 1-2 million, and close to 30% estimated
the number of returnees to be less than 500,000.
Of the Israeli Jewish respondents and Palestinians
in Israel, 31% and 42.8%, respectively, could not
say how many would take advantage of the right
of return. Fifty-eight per cent of the Jewish respondents
estimated that less than one million refugees would
take advantage of their right to return. However,
15.6% of the latter said that in excess of 4 million
refugees would opt to return.
- Five questions on the questionnaire were common
to both Israeli Jews and Palestinians in Israel,
and did not include respondents from the West Bank
and Gaza. To the question, should the issue of
Palestinian refugees be discussed jointly with
the issue ofJewish immigrants from the Arab countries,
46.4% of Israeli Jews said yes, compared to 22.6%
of the Palestinians. However, 45% of the Jewish
sample said that they should not be linked, compared
to 54% of the Palestinians. Where they differed
most was in the "Don't Know" response to the question:
23% for the Palestinians compared to 9% for Israeli
Jews.
- Payment of compensation for Jewish immigrants
from Arab countries was singled out as the responsibility
of Arab governments by 43% of the Jewish respondents,
compared to 7% forthe Palestinians in the Israeli
sample. One-quarter of Israeli Jews said that international
bodies such as the UN should compensate them, and
17.7% said no one should compensate Jewish immigrants.
While Israel was mentioned by 8% of the Jewish
sample as a source for compensating Jewish immigrants,
the figure was 38% for the Palestinians sample
in Israel.
- Knowledge about the existence of internal refugees
was substantial among both groups of Israelis.
Ninety per cent of the Palestinians in Israel knew
aboutthe internally displaced refugees such as
those of Ikrit and Bir'im, compared to 69% among
Israeli Jews. While 93% of the Palestinians in
Israel supported the return of internal refugees
to their villages, among Israeli Jews the figure
reached 35%, with 52% opposing their return.
- In response to the question, are you currently
living on or making use of "abandoned Palestinian
refugee property from 1948," 6% of Israeli Jews
said "yes", and additional 8% said "maybe". Two
per cent of the Palestinians said "yes".
- The final three questions were only given to
the Palestinians in Israel. Forty-eight per cent
said that they have relatives among the 1948 refugees,
and 45% said that they would be willing to assist
in the absorption of the refugees returning to
their homes in Israel. More than ninety per cent
(93.2%) advocated solving the problem of internal
refugees in the context of solving the general
Palestinian problem by returning the displaced
to their villages (65.2%), or by compensating them
either in kind or in cash (28%).
- Having relatives among the refugees had a strong
effect on attitudes of the Palestinians in Israel.
Fully 70% of those with relatives said they would
be willing to help absorb the refugees should they
return. Compared to other groups in the study,
those with relatives saw the refugee issue as more
salient on all counts, such as the relevance and
applicability of Resolution 194, the issue of justice
and feasibility, blaming Israel for the refugee
exodus, etc.
Within-Group Analysis among the Palestinians
in Israel
As pointed out above, internal analysis of the Palestinian
data will be carried out with regard to four variables.
First, we will examine the relationship between gender
and attitudes to the refugee issue. Second, the analysis
will focus on comparing theattitudes of those who
have relatives among the refugees to those who do
not. Third, we will assess regional variations in
the responses. Fourth, the association between age
difference and attitudes to the refugee issue will
be examined.
Gender Differences
Overall, gender proved to be a key variable in accounting
for differences of opinion in the Palestinian sample
from Israel. Generally speaking, women were less
informed about the refugee issue, and they accounted
for a disproportional number of respondents who answered "Don't
Know".
- Slightly more than 50% of both men and women
ranked Jerusalem first in terms of difficulty among
the various final-status issues. Twelve per cent
of the women and 16% of the men mentioned a Palestinian
state, respectively, and refugees were mentioned
in the first choice by 9% of the women and 12%
of the men. If we consider the first three choices
combined, 86% of the men mentioned Jerusalem, compared
to 79% of the women. However, the issue of refugees
was mentioned next in the first, second and third
choice combined by 65% of the men in the sample
compared to 47% of the women. More than one-third
of the women placed "Don't Know" in their first
second, and third choice, compared to 12% of the
men. Palestinian state was included in the first,
second and third choice by 48% of the men and 55%
of the women.
- An identical proportion of men and women (48%)
placed Jerusalem as their first choice in terms
of importance. Palestinian state was ranked first
by 14% of the men and women, while the refugee
issue was ranked first by 16% of the men and 11%
of the women.Turning to the combined three choices
(first, second, and third choice), Jerusalem remained
in the first place for both men (77.7%) and women
(92.6%), although with twenty points difference.
Refugees were placed in the second place by men
(61%), in terms of the first three choices combined,
compared to 44% of the women. More women (59%)
than men (48%) placed Palestinian state in their
first, second and thirdchoice combined. But the
starkest gender contrast remains with regard to
those saying they "Don't Know": 41% of the women
and 12% of the men.
- There were no substantial differences in terms
of the various causes given for the Palestinian
exodus in 1948, with 59% of the women and 62% of
the men saying that Jewish forces expelled the
refugees. However, 17% of the women could not give
a reason, compared to 5% of the men. This is true
with regard to the question concerning responsibility
behind Palestinian refugee exodus. Sixty-eight
per cent of the women and 78% of the men blamed
Israel solely for the exodus, and 18% of the former
did not know, compared to 4% of the latter.
- One-Half of the women and close to three-quarters
of the men said that the a just solution to refugee
issue should be based on United Nations Resolution
194. Twenty-six per cent of the women and 18% of
the men agreed for the return of a limited number
of refugees to be decided in negotiations between
Palestinians and Israelis. One-sixth of the women
(16%) had no opinion on the subject, compared to
2% of the men.
- With regard to a feasible solution for the refugee
issue, 41% of the women and 57% of the men referred
to Resolution 194. Twenty-nine per cent of the
women and 31% of the men endorsed the return of
a limited number of refugees to be decided in negotiations,
and 19% of the women, and 4% of the men did not
know.
- Eighty-six per cent of the men and 78% of the
women replied that any refugee who wants to go
back home should be allowed to do so. Around 1%
of each group said it should be left to Israel
alone to decide on the number of returnees.
- Sixty per cent of the men and 57% of the women
said that the refugees should be settled in their
original homes, whereas additional 21% of the women
and 24% of the men mentioned that they should be
distributed jointly in Israel and the Palestinian
state. A minority of between 10%-12% of both groups
mentioned the Palestinian state as the sole place
for settling the refugees. This is one of the few
questions on which few women expressed no opinion
(7%), and for men it was 2%.
- Men and women in almost identical proportions
(69%) singled out Israel to compensate the refugees.
Less than one per cent mentioned Arab governments
as sources of compensation, and around 8% referred
to international organizations as possible sources
for compensation.
- The overwhelming majority the women (91%) and
men (94%) generally endorsed international principles
governing the return of refugees to their homes
after the cessation of war conditions, and almost
identical number of respondents from both sexes
agreed that the principle of repatriation applies
to the Palestinian refugees.
- The contrast between the answers of Palestinian
men and women was greatest in questions seeking
estimates of the actual number of refugees, and
the number of those likely to return should this
be possible. Sixty per cent of the women in the
sample could not provide such estimates. Among
the men, 27% did not know how many refugees there
are, and 27% could not offer estimates of those
who are likely to return to their homes. Close
to one-quarter of the men (26%) said that the number
of refugees is between 3-4 million and above 4
million, while 21% said that in excess of 4 million
refugees would choose to return, another 21% said
between 1-3 million would opt for return. Among
the women, only 9% offered estimates of the refugee
population ranging from 3 million and above; 6%
estimated the number to be between 2-3 million,
and the remaining 25% gave a figure from2 million
and below. Women were even less sure about how
many refugees would return, with 10% saying more
than 4 million would return, 15% between 1-3 million,
and 13% estimating that up to one million people
would return.
- Two-thirds of the men and 42% ofthe women did
not think that discussion over Palestinian refugees
should be tied to that for Jewish immigrants from
Arab countries. Around one-quarter of each group
said that the two should be linked. Almost three
times as many women (34%) as men (12%) said "Don't
Know" to this question.
- Around one-quarter of both men and women did
not think that compensation should be paid to Jewish
immigrants, while between one-third of the women,
and 41% of the men said that Israel should compensate
these immigrants. Twenty per cent of the women
and 5% of the men did not know.
- The overwhelming majority of men (93%) and women
(86%) knew about the internal Palestinian refugees
within Israel, and in excess of 90% of both groups
said that Israel should allow the refugees to go
back to their homes.
Relatives vs. no Relatives
In addition to the standard demographic questions
such as gender, age, place of residence, income,
education and marital status, the survey asked the
respondents to indicate if they have relatives among
the 1948 refugees, and if they themselves were internally
displaced in 1948. A perusal of the data shows that
compared to age, gender, place of residence, and
whether or not the respondents have relatives among
the 1948 refugees, the latter consistently adopted
more salient views on the future of the refugees.
- With regard to the ranking in terms of difficulty
in resolving the various final-status issues facing
the negotiators, both groups ranked Jerusalem first.
However, those who have relatives among the 1948
refugees placed refugees in second place, ahead
of Palestinian state - in terms of both overall
ranking (75.4%), as well as in terms of first choice
ranking (19.7%). Palestinian with no relatives
among the refugees placed Jerusalem first (75.9%)
in their overall ranking, followed in descending
order by Palestinian state (52.3%), Jewish settlements
(44.1%), and refugees (42.3%). What is curious
about the latter group is that 30% chose "Don't
Know" as their first, second and third ranking
combined. Among those with relatives among the
refugees, the corresponding cumulative rankings
for the " Don't Know" was 13.8%.
- The same pattern holds with regard to the follow-up
question pertaining to the question of importance
in resolving the final-status issues. Of those
with relatives among the refugees, Jerusalem was
placed in first, second and third choice by 82.8%
of thesample, the refugees by 66.9%, and Palestinians
state by 54.9%. The corresponding percentages for
those with no relatives are 71.8% for Jerusalem,
55% for Palestinian state, and 39.6% for the refugees,
thus placing them behind settlements which were
ranked as first, second and third in importance
by 46.8%.
- Of those who have refugee relatives, 71% said
that Israeli forces expelled Palestinian refugees,
compared to 53.2% of those who do not have relatives
among the refugees.
- Among the two groups, more than twenty percentage
points separated those who saw United Nations Resolution
194 as the most just instrument for solving the
refugee problem: 72.8% to 51.4%.
- Fifty-eight per cent of those with relatives
saw as feasible the applicability of Resolution
194, compared to 40% of those with no relatives
among the refugees. As well, 32% of the latter
group supported the return of a limited number
of refugees and compensating the rest, based on
an agreement between the Palestinian and Israeli
negotiators. Of those with no relatives, thirteen
per cent saw Israel as the sole decision-maker
in terms of who allows the refugees to return,
compared to a minuscule 3.3% of those with relatives
among the refugees.
- Having a relative among the refugees meant an
overwhelming endorsement of the right of return.
More than ninety per cent of this group said that
those refugees willing and can go back home inside
Israel should be allowed to exercise this right,
comparedto 75.6% among those with no relatives.
- Similarly, 68.6% among those with relatives said
the refugees should be settled in their original
villages in Israel, and an additional 21.8% said
they should be distributed between Israel and the
Palestinian state. The corresponding figures for
those with no relatives were 52.7% and 22.7%, respectively.
Very few, between 2%-4%, named the Arab countries
as possible places for settling the refugees.
- Between two-thirds and 70% of both groups said
that Israel should compensate the refugees, and
a combined 80.7% of those with relatives named
Israel as responsible alone (46.4%) or to a large
extent (34.3%) for the Palestinian refugee exodus,
compared toa combined 69% of those with no relatives.
- Around 80% among those with relatives supported
international law stipulating the return of displaced
people during time of war, and 78% defined it as
applicable to Palestinian refugees, in contrast
to two-thirds of those without relatives among
the refugees who both endorsed international law
in general terms, as well as its applicability
to the Palestinian case.
- Around 47% of those with no relatives did not
know how many refugees there are, compared to 39%
for those with relatives. A minority of 8.8% of
the latter and 4.1% of the former gave a figure
of around 4 million refugees, and around 10% of
each group gave a figure of between 3-4 million.
Altogether between 14%-19% of the sample gave figures
what could be roughly considered to approximate
published data on refugees.
- More of those with kin among the refugees said
that between 2-4 million would actually return
(32.2%), in contrast to the other group with no
relatives (21.8%). Between 38.5% to 47.7% of those
with and without relatives, respectively, did not
know how many would actually return.
Region
The sample was divided into three main regions:
north, centre and south. The northern region consisted
of 360 respondents selected from 14 localities; the
central region consisted of 4 localities comprising
100 respondents; the remaining 40 respondents were
selected from two localities in the south of the
country. The sample included the two largest Arab
towns in Israel, Nazareth in the north and Um El-Fahem
in the centre. In addition Haifa, a mixed city in
the north, was included in the sample. In interpreting
the survey data it is important to bear in mind that
the majority of Palestinian refugees who left the
Galilee in the north ended up in Lebanon and Syria,
while for those who came from the central regions
their exodus took them to the West Bank and mainly
to Jordan. Gaza, and to a much lesser extent Egypt,
provided shelter to refugees from the south of the
country.
- Jerusalem was chosen as the most difficult and
important issueto settle in the upcoming final-status
talks, regardless of region. However, there were
important variations in the magnitude of the choices
made. For example, the geographic pull is reflected
in the fact that 91% of those who live in the centre
of the country placed Jerusalem in their first
choice in terms of difficulty and importance ?
the highest proportion in the entire sample. Among
respondents from the south, 52.5% placed Jerusalem
in their first rank in terms of difficulty, but
only 30% of those living in the south did so when
it came to importance. Forty-two per cent of the
respondents from the north had Jerusalem as their
first choice in terms of difficulty, and 38% in
terms of importance.
- The refugee issue was ranked as most difficult
in the first choice by 14.7% of residents in the
north, and 5% by respondents from the south. None
of the residents from the centre placed refugees
in their first choice, whether on the basis of
importance or difficulty. However, if we calculate
placement of the various final-status issues taking
into account first, second and third choice combined,
the refugee issue is more salient in terms of difficulty
to those from the north (61%) than either the south
(47.5%) or the centre (44%). With regard to importance,
respondents from the north placed refugees (58.6%)
in the first three choices combined after Jerusalem
(74.7%). Forty-percent of those from the centre
of the country made a similar ranking of the refugee
issue, compared to 97% for Jerusalem. Contrast
this to southern respondents, three-quarters of
whom put "Don't Know" in their first, second and
third choice ? the highest combined choices given
to any of the items on the list. Jerusalem garnered
a combined response of 40%, and the refugees 20%.
The lack of knowledge and willingness to give answers
among those from the south emerges as a typical
feature in the responses, compared to the other
regions.
- Seventy-one percent of respondents from the centre
blamed Jewish forces for expelling Palestinian
refugees, by far the highest percentage given by
any single group in the sample. Both the north
and south gave lower figures, 58.7% and 57.5%,
respectively. This finding meshes with what we
know from historical research about the extent
of systematic expulsion of refugees in the centre
of the country.
- Two-thirds of northern respondents said that
the application of Resolution 194 should be the
basis for a just solution to the refugee issue,
in contrast to around one-half of those who said
it is feasible. Fifty-six per cent of respondents
from the central region endorsed Resolution 194
as just, compared to 47% who said it is feasible.
One-third of the respondents from the centre saw
a feasible solution as one involving the return
of a limited number of refugees to be determined
in negotiations. The same pattern holds for southern
respondents: 52% defined Resolution 194 as just
and 38% as feasible. However, around one-third
of these respondents from the south either abstained
from answering or did not know.
- Between 75% (south), 80% (north), and 92% (centre)
said that any refugee wishing to return home should
be allowed to do so. And between two-thirds (south
and centre) and 57% (north) said that the refugees
should be allowed to return to their original homes.
The overwhelmingmajority of those who live in the
north (97%) said that Israel should compensate
the refugees, in contrast to 61% of northerners
and 70% of southerners.
- Israel alone was thought to be responsible for
the expulsion of the refugees by 95% of those who
live in the central region, compared to around
two-thirds from the north and south. In excess
of 90% of the respondents agreed with international
law concerning repatriation of displaced refugees
during time of war, and a similar percentage agreed
that international law should be applied to Palestinian
refugees.
- Total lack of knowledge about how many refugees
there are varied from 63% for those living in the
south, 44% in the north, and 31% in the centre
of the country. These percentages almost repeat
themselves,when it comes to estimating the number
of refugees who are likely to take advantage of
the right of return. Around one-third of those
who live in the centre and south said that between
2-3 million and 4 million people or more would
come back, compared toone-quarter of northerners.
- Two-thirds of those from the centre did not think
that the issue of Palestinian refugees should be
linked to the issue of Jewish immigrants, compared
to 45% of those from the south and 51% from the
north.
- When it came to possible sources of compensation
for Jewish immigrants to Israel, twice as many
from the centre (42%) as from the north (21%) or
south (20%) said no one should compensate them.
However, for those who agreed that compensation
should be paid, approximately one-third for each
of the three regions, they named Israel.
- The overwhelming majority (90% or more) knew
about the internal refugees, and a similar proportion
agreed that Israel should allow them to go back
to their homes. Very few (around 2%) said that
they do live on or make use of refugee property,
although 17% of those from the south said that
they do not know.
- Three-quarters of those from the south, and half
of those from the north said that they have relatives
among the refugees, in contras to a minority of
16% from the centre of the country. However, it
is mostly among those from the north who expressed
willingness to help in the absorption of the refugees
should they return (55%), compared to between one-fifth
for those from the centre and one-fourth for those
from the south. In all likelihood, this has to
do with the fact that those in the north are familiar
with the dire circumstances in which their kin
among the refugees in Lebanon live.
- Regardless of region, the majority of respondents
agreed that the problem of internal refugees should
be considered in the context of the general Palestinian
problem. The overwhelming majority (91%) of those
from the centre called for repatriation of theinternal
refugees to their homes, whereas those from the
north mentioned return (57%) and compensation in
cash or kind (34%). The corresponding percentages
for those from the south are 73% who called for
the return of the internal refugees to their homes,
and 20% for compensation.
Age
As shown in Appendix E, the sample was divided into
four age groups: 18-25, 26-35, 36-45, 46-60, and
60+. More than 85% of the sample were born after
Israel came into being in 1948.
- Jerusalem was selected by all age groups as the
most difficult issue to be tackled in final- status
talks. Among the younger age groups, Palestinian
state and refugees vied for second place in the
first choice placement. Older age groups, those
46 years of age and above, ranked Palestinian state
second in their first choice list. However, if
examine the ranking based on first, second and
third choice combined, except for the 60-year old,
the refugee issue is ranked second after Jerusalem,
with Palestinian state ranked third. The older
the respondent is, the more likely that he or she
will not answer the question,or opt for "Don't
Know". The group that is likely to give a ranking
based on the six final-status topics are those
between 26-35 years of age.
- Wit regard to importance, Jerusalem maintained
its position at the top of the list. The 18-25
and 36-45 age groups placed the refugee issue in
second place in the three combined choices, while
the 26-35 placed the refugee issue in second place,
and the remaining two age groups placed the refugee
issue in the fourth place in the combined list
of choices.
- There is little difference among the various
age groups in terms of who caused the refugee problem
in 1948, with between 54% of the 26-35 age group
saying mainly Israel, to two-thirds of the combined
46-60 year olds blaming Israel mainly for expelling
the refugees. Thesame picture obtains with regard
to responsibility for the refugee problem. Between
61% and 75% put the responsibility squarely on
Israel.
- More of the younger age groups (18-45 years of
age), compared to those who are older (46 years
and above) said that it is both just and feasible
to apply United Nations Resolution 194 to solve
the refugee issue. With regard to justice, the
range varied from 50% for the older groups to 67%
for the younger ones, and with regard to feasibility
of Resolution 194, its endorsement among the younger
groups reached a high of 67%, compared to around
to 40% among the older ones.
- By the same token from a low of 71% for the oldest
age group in the sample to a high of mid- to upper-80
percentage points for the two youngest groups in
the sample endorse the proposition that anyone
wishing to go back home should be allowed to do
so. Between one-half and two-thirds say that the
refugees should be settled in their original homes,
and an additional one-quarter say that they should
be distributed between the Palestinian state and
the places from which they came inside Israel.
Settling the refugees in their current places of
residence was accepted by mere 3% for the younger
groups, to around 9% for the older ones.
- Except for the oldest group in the sample (56%),
who said Israel should be the main source to compensate
the refugees, the corresponding figure for the
rest of the sample hovered around 70%. It is significant
that around one-fifth of the oldest group of 60
years of age and above,either did not know or registered
no answer to this question.
- Age did not influence the responses to the two
questions related to international law and repatriation
of refugees. From 80%-90% supported the law generally,
and its applicability to Palestinian refugees.
- There is a clear relationship between age and
knowledge about the number of Palestinian refugees.
Almost two-thirds of the eldest group, and 55%
of the 46-60 year-olds, could not give an estimate
of the number of refugees, and when they did, they
tended to cluster their choices in the 1-2 million
category, or lower. While the younger age groups
(18-36) are far from giving accurate estimates
for the number of refugees, slightly more than
one-third opted for "Don't Know," and one-fifth
estimated the number to be close to between 3-4
million and above. The same picture repeats itself
with regard to the likely number of refugees who
would be willing to take advantage of the right
to return home. While one-third of the younger
groups compared to two-thirds of the oldest group
could not give an estimate, between 25% and 30%
of the younger ones cited numbers ranging from
2-3 millions and 4 millions and above.
- There is clear demarcation between the 18-45
year olds, all of whom were born after 1948, and
those who are 46 years of age and above, when it
comes to views about perceptions of the Palestinian
refugee problem and that of Jewish immigrants from
the Arab countries. Whereas between 55% and 60%
of the younger group saw no link between the two
issues, among the two older groups, around one-third
subscribed to the same view. Fully 40% of the two
older groups did not express an opinion on the
subject, compared to an average of 20% for the
three younger ones.
- There was no clear pattern relating age to advocating
means of compensating Jewish immigrants. Between
one-third and 40% said that Israel should compensate
them. However, among the older age groups there
was a tendency to say "Don't Know" or not answer
the question, reaching a combined figure of 30%
among the oldest group in the sample.
- Knowledge about the existence of internal refugees
was widespread reaching 90% of the sample with
little age variation in the answers. There is an
identical level of support for their return to
their villages.
- One area in which the youngest and the oldest
in the sample converged is in terms of their response
to the question of whether or not they have relatives
among the refugees. Bearing in mind that the Palestinian
refugees are into their fourth generation now,
we discover that among the 18-25, 16% did not answer
or said they do not know, compared to 6% for the
26-35, 4% for the 36-60 groups, and 12% for those
who are 60 years of age and older. However, more
of the older age groups than younger ones expressed
willingness to help in settling the refugees should
they go back, ranging from one-third for the youngest
group in the sample, to slightly more than 50%
for the older groups.
- Finally, there was an agreement that solving
the general Palestinian problem should take into
account the problem of internal refugees, with
the majority of around two-thirds opting for the
return of internal refugees to their homes, and
an additional one-fourth advocating compensation
either in cash or in kind.
APPENDIX A
Questions 1-13 were given to Jews in Israel, Palestinians
in Israel ,and Palestinians in the West Bank and
Gaza.
1) In your opinion, of the following issues discussed
in the framework of the Israel-Palestinian peace
negotiations, which are the three most difficult
for the two sides to find an agreeable solution to?
Please indicate the most difficult issue, the second
most difficult and the third.
Most Difficult |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli
Jews (N=500) |
|
Rank |
Rank |
|
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
Palestinian State |
14.2 |
20.4 |
17.2 |
51.8 |
3 |
7.2 |
16.7 |
14.5 |
38.4 |
4 |
Jerusalem |
53.2 |
23.4 |
6.2 |
82.8 |
1 |
70.9 |
13.7 |
4.4 |
89.0 |
1 |
Borders |
1.4 |
11.4 |
7.2 |
20.0 |
6 |
4.8 |
17.3 |
17.5 |
39.7 |
3 |
Refugees |
11.0 |
15.8 |
29.8 |
56.6 |
2 |
7.2 |
15.4 |
14.3 |
36.8 |
5 |
Water |
3.8 |
1.6 |
4.2 |
9.7 |
8 |
2.1 |
9.3 |
11.7 |
23.1 |
7 |
Jewish Settlements |
5.0 |
13.6 |
18.2 |
36.8 |
4 |
3.8 |
19.8 |
21.8 |
45.5 |
2 |
Don't Know |
8.4 |
8.4 |
8.4 |
25.2 |
5 |
3.3 |
7.4 |
14.9 |
25.6 |
6 |
No Answer |
3.0 |
5.4 |
8.8 |
17.2 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Other Answer |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
0.8 |
0.3 |
0.8 |
1.6 |
7 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
Most Difficult |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
|
Rank |
Rank |
|
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
Palestinian State |
16.3 |
10.4 |
9.4 |
36.1 |
4 |
10.3 |
19.5 |
9.4 |
39.2 |
4 |
Jerusalem |
52.2 |
20.6 |
12.2 |
85.0 |
1 |
66.4 |
17.6 |
5.3 |
99.3 |
1 |
Borders |
3.7 |
10.8 |
14.8 |
26.3 |
5 |
1.1 |
5.5 |
7.5 |
14.1 |
7 |
Refugees |
9.3 |
26.5 |
23.9 |
59.7 |
2 |
7.1 |
29.0 |
21.5 |
57.6 |
2 |
Water |
3.1 |
6.5 |
9.7 |
19.3 |
6 |
3.9 |
7.1 |
13.7 |
24.7 |
5 |
Jewish Settlements |
11.3 |
20.5 |
24.8 |
56.6 |
3 |
7.3 |
15.8 |
30.6 |
53.7 |
3 |
Don't Know |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
No Answer |
4.1 |
4.7 |
6.0 |
14.8 |
7 |
3.9 |
5.5 |
11.9 |
21.3 |
6 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
*Throughout the survey, the questionnaire administered
to the Palestinians in Israel differentiated between "Don't
Know" as an informational response, and "No Answer" indicating
the respondent did not wish to answer the question.
2. In your opinion, which of above issues are the
three most important for the two sides to find an
agreeable solution to? Please rank, as above.
Most Important
Issue |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli
Jews (N=500) |
|
Rank |
Rank |
|
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
Palestinian State |
13.8 |
20.4 |
19.4 |
53.6 |
2 |
13.8 |
14.0 |
12.1 |
38.4 |
4 |
Jerusalem |
48.2 |
22.0 |
6.2 |
76.4 |
1 |
48.4 |
18.8 |
9.2 |
89.0 |
1 |
Borders |
1.8 |
8.8 |
7.0 |
17.6 |
6 |
12.1 |
17.1 |
15.3 |
39.7 |
2 |
Refugees |
13.6 |
14.6 |
24.4 |
52.6 |
3 |
5.2 |
13.3 |
10.3 |
36.8 |
7 |
Water |
5.8 |
3.8 |
4.0 |
13.6 |
8 |
6.4 |
10.4 |
13.0 |
23.1 |
6 |
Jewish Settlements |
5.6 |
16.2 |
19.0 |
40.8 |
4 |
4.6 |
13.2 |
22.3 |
45.5 |
3 |
Don't Know |
8.6 |
8.6 |
8.6 |
25.8 |
5 |
6.6 |
12.6 |
17.2 |
36.4 |
5 |
No Answer |
2.6 |
5.6 |
11.4 |
19.6 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
Other Answer |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
2.8 |
0.6 |
0.6 |
3.3 |
7 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
Most Important
Issue |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
|
Rank |
Rank |
|
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
1 |
2 |
3 |
Total |
Overall Rank |
Palestinian State |
18.0 |
10.0 |
12.2 |
40.2 |
4 |
11.9 |
13.7 |
11.6 |
37.2 |
4 |
Jerusalem |
48.7 |
21.0 |
10.6 |
80.3 |
1 |
55.0 |
18.0 |
5.3 |
78.3 |
1 |
Borders |
6.0 |
13.5 |
14.3 |
33.8 |
5 |
2.5 |
8.2 |
9.1 |
19.8 |
7 |
Refugees |
9.2 |
24.7 |
24.8 |
58.7 |
2 |
9.4 |
29.2 |
18.7 |
57.3 |
2 |
Water |
4.5 |
7.6 |
9.6 |
21.7 |
6 |
7.3 |
8.9 |
13.5 |
29.7 |
5 |
Jewish Settlements |
11.0 |
19.7 |
24.3 |
55.0 |
3 |
9.4 |
14.2 |
29.7 |
53.3 |
3 |
Don't Know |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
No Answer |
2.6 |
3.5 |
4.2 |
10.3 |
7 |
4.5 |
7.8 |
12.1 |
24.4 |
6 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
|
|
3) What caused the 1948 Palestinian refugee problem
in the first instance?
Cause of the
Refugee Problem |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
Mainly, the refugees
left voluntarily |
6.0 |
29.9 |
4.5 |
3.2 |
Mainly, the refugees
were told to leave by Arab leaders |
1.0 |
17.3 |
6.2 |
5.5 |
Mainly, Jewish
forces expelled the refugees |
60.8 |
31.0 |
56.4 |
63.5 |
Combination of
the above (indicate which ones) |
19.4 |
4.7 |
18.2 |
10.5 |
Other Answer |
- |
- |
5.0 |
7.1 |
Don't Know |
10.8 |
23.3 |
4.3 |
5.8 |
No Answer |
2.0 |
- |
1.3 |
2.3 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
4) Which of the following solutions to the refugee
issue is most just in your opinion?
- Should be based on UN Resolution 194 which calls
for the right of return to all the Palestinian
refugees and compensation to those who do not return.
- The returning of a limited number of Palestinian
refugees to Israel and suitable compensation to
those who will not return based on an agreement
between Israel and the Palestinians.
- Only those who are approved by Israel should
be allowed to return and compensation to those
who do not return.
Most Just
Solution |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
a) UN Resolution
194 |
61.4 |
4.5 |
81.1 |
82.6 |
b) Return of a
limited number |
22.0 |
14.9 |
10.4 |
12.2 |
c) Only those approved
by Israel |
5.0 |
56.8 |
3.5 |
1.8 |
There is no refugee
problem |
1.6 |
0.2 |
0.5 |
0.0 |
Don't know |
9.2 |
5.0 |
- |
- |
No answer |
0.8 |
18.7 |
4.5 |
3.4 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
5. Under the present circumstances, which of the
above solutions looks most feasible to you?
Most Feasible
Solution |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
UN Resolution 194 |
49.2 |
4.7 |
66.8 |
58.0 |
Return of a limited
number |
29.6 |
20.8 |
15.7 |
24.2 |
Only those approved
by Israel |
7.8 |
50.8 |
6.6 |
6.2 |
There is no refugee
problem |
1.6 |
0.2 |
0.5 |
0.2 |
Don't Know |
11.0 |
7.2 |
- |
-- |
No Answer |
0.8 |
- |
10.4 |
11.4 |
Other Answer |
- |
16.3* |
- |
- |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
*In the Israeli Jewish sample, "Other Answer" included
the following: 10.0% said none of the given options
are possible; 0.7% said all are possible, and 5.0%
offered other solutions
6. What is the number of refugees who should be
allowed to return?
Number of
Refugees Allowed to Return |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
None should be
allowed to return |
0.6 |
42.7 |
1.6 |
0.6 |
Few hundreds should
be allowed to return |
1.4 |
21.9 |
3.5 |
2.3 |
Few thousands should
be allowed to return |
4.6 |
10.7 |
12.1 |
8.7 |
Anyone wishing
to return should be allowed to return |
82.2 |
11.5 |
77.7 |
82.9 |
Don't know |
9.6 |
13.1 |
- |
- |
No answer |
1.6 |
- |
5.1 |
5.5 |
|
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
7. Where should the Palestinian refugees be permanently
settled?
Where Refugees
Should Be Resettled |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
Mainly in their
original homes inside Israel |
58.2 |
5.3 |
53.2 |
54.9 |
Mainly in places
within the Palestinians state |
11.2 |
32.3 |
30.3 |
28.5 |
Mainly in the Palestinian
state and inside Israel |
22.6* |
- |
- |
- |
Mainly in their
present places of residence in the Middle East
or elsewhere |
2.4 |
57.2 |
7.6 |
6.8 |
Don't know |
4.6 |
5.2 |
7.5 |
8.2 |
No answer |
0.4 |
- |
1.4 |
1.6 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
*Category was included only in the survey of Palestinians
in Israel.
8. Who should compensate the refugees?
Source of
Compensation |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews (N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
No one |
1.2 |
17.0 |
2.1 |
1.1 |
Israel |
69.0 |
18.3 |
25.3 |
13.5 |
International bodies
such as the UN |
8.0 |
41.3 |
13.3 |
15.1 |
Arab governments |
0.6 |
29.9 |
5.9 |
4.8 |
US |
0.2 |
11.4 |
- |
- |
Any combination
of the above (indicate which ones) |
12.6 |
- |
49.1* |
57.9* |
Don't know |
7.4 |
5.7 |
- |
- |
No answer |
1.0 |
- |
4.1 |
3.7 |
Other answers |
- |
- |
0.2 |
2.9 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
*Assignment of blame reflects a combined response
of three categories:
Israel + Arab governments
Israel + International Bodies + Arab Governments
Israel + International Bodies
9. There are different opinions on the question
of who is responsible for the creation of the refugee
problem in 1948 ? Israel or the Arabs. In your
opinion who is the responsible side?
Responsible
for Creating the Refugee Problem |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews (N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
Only Israel |
40.6 |
4.8 |
15.5 |
18.3 |
Mostly Israel |
33.0 |
7.0 |
34.9 |
29.2 |
Israel and the
Arab side to the same extent |
9.6 |
35.0 |
40.9 |
45.4 |
Mostly Arab side |
4.6 |
22.2 |
- |
- |
Only the Arab side |
0.8 |
21.1 |
3.5 |
4.1 |
Don't know |
10.8 |
9.9 |
- |
- |
No answer |
0.6 |
- |
4.2 |
3.0 |
|
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
10. According to international law, people who have
left their homes voluntarily or by force because
of war conditions are entitled to return back once
hostilities end. Do you agree or disagree with this
principle?
Opinions on
International Law |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews (N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
Agree without any
qualifications |
70.4 |
18.2 |
55.8 |
54.1 |
Depending on the
circumstances |
22.4 |
51.8 |
27.0 |
29.0 |
Do not agree |
1.2 |
25.3 |
8.4 |
5.9 |
Don't know |
5.0 |
4.7 |
6.6 |
9.6 |
No answer |
1.0 |
- |
2.2 |
1.4 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
11. Do you agree or disagree that this principle
[of international law] applies to the case of the
Palestinian refugees?
Applicability
of International Law to Palestinian Case |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews (N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
Strongly Agree |
69.2 |
10.9 |
47.1 |
45.7 |
Agree |
22.8 |
29.2 |
35.5 |
37.2 |
Disagree |
1.6 |
21.7 |
8.9 |
4.3 |
Strongly Disagree |
0.0 |
29.7 |
1.0 |
1.6 |
Don't Know |
5.4 |
8.4 |
7.0 |
9.4 |
No Answer |
1.0 |
- |
2.5 |
1.8 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
12. What do you think is the overall number of the
Palestinian refugees today (the term Palestinian
refugees refers to those who left or forced to leave
their homes because of the 1948 War and their descendants).
Estimate Number
of Refugees |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews (N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
Up to 1 million |
19.8 |
31.7 |
11.6 |
10.5 |
1-2 million |
9.6 |
15.4 |
18.2 |
18.3 |
2-3 million |
9.6 |
6.6 |
19.2 |
16.0 |
3-4 million |
10.6 |
4.9 |
16.4 |
22.5 |
4 million or more |
6.8 |
4.1 |
18.2 |
21.7 |
Don't Know |
42.8 |
37.3 |
- |
- |
No Answer |
0.8 |
- |
16.4 |
11.0 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
13. Can you please try and assess how many Palestinian
refugees will actually use the right of return if
granted to them and leave their present places of
residence and move to Israel?
Estimate Number
of Returning Refugees |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews (N=500) |
Palestinians
in West Bank (N=762) |
Palestinians
in Gaza (N=438) |
Up to 100,000 |
4.4 |
23.0 |
10.8 |
6.8 |
100,000 - 500,000 |
11.6 |
14.2 |
17.6 |
22.2 |
500,000 - 1 million |
6.8 |
21.0 |
* |
* |
1-2 million |
7.2 |
-* |
23.4 |
32.0 |
2-3 million |
11.0 |
5.5 |
13.1 |
18.5 |
3-4 million |
-* |
1.2 |
* |
* |
4 million and up |
15.6 |
4.0 |
17.3 |
10.7 |
Don't Know |
42.8 |
31.2 |
- |
- |
No Answer |
0.6 |
- |
17.8 |
9.8 |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
100.0% |
*Category was not included in question.
APPENDIX B
Questions numbers 14-18 were only given to Jewish
and Palestinian respondents in Israel
14. It was suggested that when discussing the issue
of compensating the Palestinian refugees for their
lost property,the issue of the property left behind
in Arab States, such as Morocco or Iraq, by the Jews
who immigrated to Israel because of the growing tensions
following the 1948 War, should also be taken into
consideration.
There is another opinion that the two issues are
not connected to each other and therefore there is
no reason to discuss them in the framework of the
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians
on the settlement of the Palestinians refugee issue.
Which of these two arguments do you find correct?
|
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Should be discussed
together |
22.6 |
46.4 |
Not related and
should not be connected |
53.6 |
44.7 |
Don't Know |
22.6 |
8.9 |
No Answer |
1.2 |
- |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
15. Who should compensate Jewish immigrants to Israel
who lost property in Arab countries?
Source
of Compensation for Jewish Immigrants |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
No one |
25.2 |
17.7 |
Palestinians |
1.0 |
-* |
Israel |
37.4 |
7.8 |
Responsible Arab
governments where immigrants lived |
7.4 |
43.1 |
International bodies
such as the UN |
6.6 |
25.8 |
US |
0.2 |
6.0 |
Combination of
the above (indicate which ones) |
9.4 |
* |
Don't Know |
12.2 |
6.5 |
No Answer |
1.4 |
- |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
*Was not asked.
16. Do you know if there are to-day Palestinian
refugees (" displaced") living in Israel who left
or had been forced to leave their homes during the
1948 war?
Knowledge
of Internal Palestinian Refugees in Israel |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Yes |
89.6 |
69.4 |
No |
4.8 |
8.7 |
Don't Know |
4.0 |
21.9 |
No Answer |
1.6 |
- |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
17. Do you agree or disagree that the Israeli Government
should allow these refugees, such as those from Ikrit
and Bir'am, to return to back to their villages?
Israeli Government
Should Allow Internal Refugees Back |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Strongly Agree |
76.2 |
8.2 |
Agree |
17.0 |
26.7 |
Disagree |
1.8 |
28.1 |
Strongly Disagree |
0.0 |
23.8 |
Don't Know |
4.2 |
13.2 |
No Answer |
0.8 |
- |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
18. Considering the property left behind by the
refugees of 1948, are you currently living on or
making use of such property in any way?
Living on
or Making Use of Refugee Property |
Palestinians
in Israel (N=500) |
Israeli Jews
(N=500) |
Yes |
2.2 |
6.3/8.3* |
No |
87.6 |
82.8 |
Don't Know |
9.2 |
2.6 |
No Answer |
1.0 |
-- |
Total |
100.0% |
100.0% |
*Of the Israeli Jewish sample, 6.3% said "yes" and
8.3% said "maybe".
APPENDIX C
Questions numbers 19-21 were only given to the Palestinians
in Israel (N=500)
- Do you have any relatives among the 1948 refugees?
Yes |
47.8% |
No |
44.0 |
Don't Know |
6.8 |
No Answer |
1.4 |
Total |
100.0% |
- Would you be willing to assist in absorbing those
refugees who need assistance and are able to return
to their
homes in Israel?
Yes |
45.4% |
No |
9.8 |
Don't Know |
33.2 |
No Answer |
11.4 |
Total |
100.0% |
- Should the solution to the Palestinian problem
in general also include solving the problem of
internal refugees in
Israel?
Yes (by returning
them to their villages) |
65.2% |
Yes (by compensating
them, through land or money) |
28.0 |
No |
3.0 |
No Answer |
3.8 |
Total |
100.0% |
APPENDIX D
Demographics of the Palestinians in Israel
Sample size : 500
Selection Method: Random selection
based on Interior Ministry computerized voters' list
Type of sample : Stratified selection
from 20 localities according to region, size of locality
320 Internal Refugee/Non-Refugee Status
Internal refugees |
116 |
23.2% |
Not internal refugees |
380 |
76.0 |
Coding error |
4 |
0.8 |
Gender
Men |
252 |
50.4% |
Women |
244 |
48.8 |
Coding error |
4 |
0.8 |
Regional Distribution
North |
360 |
72.0% |
Center |
100 |
20.0 |
South |
40 |
08.0 |
Age Distribution
18-25 |
138 |
27.6% |
26-35 |
141 |
28.2 |
36-45 |
113 |
22.6 |
46-60 |
74 |
14.8 |
60+ |
34 |
6.8 |
Marital status
Single |
140 |
28.0% |
Married |
329 |
65.8 |
Divorced/separated |
10 |
02.0 |
Widowed |
17 |
03.4 |
No Answer |
4 |
0.8 |
Educational Level
Up to elementary |
110 |
22.0% |
Up to grade nine |
104 |
20.8 |
Up to secondary |
151 |
30.2 |
Post-secondary |
76 |
15.2 |
University and
beyond |
49 |
09.8 |
No Answer |
10 |
0.2 |
Income Level
What is your family income compared to an average
Arab family income of 5,500 New Israeli Shekels per
month?
Substantially higher |
3 |
06.0% |
Somewhat higher |
24 |
4.8 |
Close to the average |
183 |
36.6 |
Somewhat lower |
140 |
28.0 |
Substantially lower |
130 |
26.0 |
No Answer |
10 |
4.0 |
Appendix E
The Questionnaire
- In your opinion, of the following issues discussed
in the framework of the Israel-Palestinian peace
negotiations, which are the three most difficult
for the two sides to find an agreeable solution
to? Please indicate the most difficult issue, the
second most difficult and the third.
- Palestinian state
- Jerusalem
- Borders
- Refugees
- Water
- Jewish settlements
- Don't Know
- No answer
2. In your opinion, which of above issues are the
three most important for the two sides to find an
agreeable solution to? Please rank, as above.
3. What caused the 1948 Palestinian refugee problem
in the first instance
- Mainly, the refugees left voluntarily
- Mainly, the refugees were told to leave by Arab
leaders
- Mainly, Jewish forces expelled the refugees
- Combination of the above (indicate which ones)
- Don't Know
- No answer
4. Which of the following solutions to the refugee
issue is most just in your opinion?
- Should be based on UN Resolution 194 which calls
for the right of return to all the Palestinian
refugees and compensation to those who do not return.
- The returning of a limited number of Palestinian
refugees to Israel and suitable compensation to
those who will not return based on an agreement
between Israel and the Palestinians.
- Only those who are approved by Israel should
be allowed to return and compensation to those
who do not return.
- There is no refugee problem.
- Don't Know
- No answer
5. Under the present circumstances, which of the
above solutions looks most feasible to you?
6. What is the number of refugees who should be
allowed to return:
- None should be allowed to return
- Few hundreds should be allowed to return
- Few thousands should be allowed to return
- Anyone wishing to return should be allowed to
return
- Don't Know
- No answer
7. Where should the Palestinian refugees be permanently
settled:
- Mainly in their original homes inside Israel
- Mainly in places within the Palestinians state
- Mainly in the Palestinian state and inside Israel]
- Mainly in their present places of residence in
the Middle East or elsewhere.
- D'K
- No answer
8. Who should compensate the refugees:
- No one
- Israel
- International bodies, such as the UN
- Arab governments
- US
- Any combination of the above (indicate which
ones)
- Don't Know
- No answer
- There are different opinions on the question
who is responsible for the creation of the refugee
problem in 1948, Israel or the Arabs. In your opinion
who is the responsible side?
- Only Israel
- Mostly Israel
- Israel and the Arab side to the same extent
- Mostly the Arab side
- Only the Arab side
- Don't Know
- No answer
10. According to international law, people who have
left their homes voluntarily or by force because
of war conditions are entitled to return back once
hostilities end. Do you agree or disagree with this
principle?
- Agree without any qualifications
- Depending on the circumstances
- Do not agree
- Don't Know
- No answer
11. Do you agree or disagree that this principle
[of international law] applies to the case of the
Palestinian refugees?
- Strongly Agree
- Agree
- Disagree
- Strongly Disagree
- Don't Know
- No answer
12. What do you think is the overall number of the
Palestinian refugees today (the term Palestinian
refugees refers to those who left or forced to leave
their homes because of the 1948 War and their descendants).
- Up to 1 million
- 1-2 millions
- 2-3 millions
- 3-4 millions
- 4 or more
- Don't Know
- No answer
13. Can you please try and assess how many Palestinian
refugees will actually use the right of return if
granted to them and leave their present places of
residence and move to Israel?
- Up to 100,000
- 100,000 - 500,00
- 500,000 - 1 million
- 1 -2 million
- 2-3 million
- 3-4 million
- 4 million and up
- Don't Know
- No answer
The following five questions were given
to Israeli [Arab and Jewish] respondents only:
14. It was suggested that when discussing the issue
of compensating the Palestinian refugees for their
lost property, the issue of the property left behind
in Arab States, such as Morocco or Iraq, by the Jews
who immigrated to Israel because of the growing tensions
following the 1948 War, should also be taken into
consideration. There is another opinion that the
two issues are not connected to each other and therefore
there is no reason to discuss them in the framework
of the negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians
on the settlement of the Palestinians refugee issue.
Which of these two arguments do you find correct?
- The first, that the two issues should be discussed
together.
- The second, that the two issues are not and should
not be connected.
- Don't Know
- No answer
15. Who should compensate Jewish immigrants to Israel
who lost property in Arab countries?
- No one
- Palestinians
- Israel
- Responsible Arab governments where immigrants
lived
- International bodies, such as the UN
- US
- Combination of the above (indicate which ones)
- Don't Know
- No answer
16. Do you know if there are to-day Palestinian
refugees ("internal") living in Israel who left or
had been forced to leave their homes during the 1948
war?
- Yes
- No
- Don't Know
- No answer
17. Do you agree or disagree that the Israeli Government
should allow these refugees, such as those from Ikrit
and Bir'am, to return to back to their villages?
- Strongly Agree
- Agree
- Disagree
- Strongly Disagree
- Don't Know
- No answer
18. Considering the property left behind by the
refugees of 1948, are you currently living on or
making use of such property in any way?
- Yes
- No
- Don't Know
- No answer
The following three questions were given
to Palestinian respondents in Israel only
- Do you have any relatives among the 1948 refugees?
- Yes
- No
- Don't Know
- No answer
20. Would you be willing to assist in absorbing
those refugees who need assistance and are able to
return to their homes in Israel?
- Yes
- No
- Don't Know
- No answer
21. Do you think that the solution to the refugee
problem should also include solving the problem of
internal refugees inside Israel?
- Yes, they should be returned to their villages
- Yes, they should be compensated (either through
alternate land or cash)
- No
- No answer
|