Engendering Compensation: Making Refugee Women Count!

Prepared for the Expert and Advisory Services Fund International Development Research Centre

This work was carried out with the aid of a grant from the Expert and Advisory Services Fund which is administered by the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada and financially supported by the Canadian International Development Agency in cooperation with the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade.

Engendering the compensation process, the focus of this paper, is an attempt not only to reduce existing gender inequalities among Palestinian refugees, but also to ensure a more visible role for Palestinian women in the compensation process. Scenarios for compensation built around property and material conditions alone overlook the Palestinian women refugees’ experience. Engendering refugee compensation negotiations entails, among other things, the delineation of gender aspects of refugee conditions, experiences and expectations, which in turn can result in a more integrative and inclusive study of refugees.

The concept of gender, this paper argues, must be treated as integral to any approach to refugees, as it penetrates and defines the life experiences, expectations and aspirations of all refugee communities. A gender approach in research and policy decision- making on refugees is needed in order to unmask the differential experiences of women and men. We need gender-based analysis in order to assess the experiences of women’s and men’s different social realities, life expectations and economic circumstances, and to ensure the integration of these differences in accounting for compensation.

Gender-based analysis must be seen as a tool for understanding social processes and for responding with informed and equitable options to the group targeted for compensation. To achieve this, a strategy of mainstreaming gender is adopted with the aim of integrating gender equality concerns into the analyses and formulations of all policies, programs and projects designed for compensating refugees. The paper also calls for the adoption of initiatives to enable men as well as women to formulate and express their views and participate in decision-making processes.

In seeking to establish a gender perspective as a fundamental element for an inclusive approach to discussing refugee compensation, the first part of this paper examines three broad areas:

The paper contends that the current contextualization of compensation is concerned with one major issue, namely the recognition of compensation as just one part of a comprehensive solution to the Palestinian refugee problem and the way in which gender is relevant and necessary in such contextualization. Compensation in this paper is viewed as complementary to and not in lieu of other solutions to the refugee problem, such as repatriation and the right of return.

Compensation negotiations have been viewed as part of a comprehensive resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and as a means of peace-building in the region. Viewed in this broader context, compensation becomes a two-fold process that entails, on the one hand, an understanding and deconstruction of the structures of injustices, violence and inequalities caused during conflict, and on the other, the reconstruction of structures of justice and equality, through material and other forms of redress. It also enables a more comprehensive approach to dealing with refugee issues and opens up the space for gender considerations.

The second part of the paper is concerned with engendering the process of refugee negotiations. Following the recommendations of the Beijing Platform of Action, and as an essential requirement for the maintenance of peace and security and ensuring equitable compensation, the process of negotiation needs to consider an alternative mechanism for its operation; one which ensures equal access and full participation of women in the negotiation process. Women must be encouraged and supported to join the negotiation process at all levels.

Women participants can be entrusted with bringing gender perspectives into the negotiation table as well as implementing them. Women participants can play specific roles such as: information resources; gathering information on the gender-differentiated roles of refugees; gender consultants and overall observers. Employing these different mechanisms are likely to affect existing data, particularly if gender or sex-disaggregated data is to be employed in the various areas of compensation; including calculating individual claims for loss of landed property, education, labour and other forms of entitlements.

Finally, the paper approaches the question of Palestinian women’s compensation, by engendering the compensation modalities espoused within the 1999 PRRN/IDRC report based on the Ottawa Workshop on Compensation.

The paper argues that all ‘modalities’ presented at the PRRN/IDRC Workshop focused on one form of compensation: compensation for material loss of private property, most notably land. All scenarios for compensation (e.g., claimants, formula, mechanism and process) were built around material considerations only. Yet, as will be discussed in this paper, Palestinian women’s refugee experiences include the ‘feminization of poverty’, the loss of educational and labour opportunities. Such experiences cannot be approached or measured in a quantitative manner alone. Special approaches to these experiences will be considered here.

For a more inclusive approach to compensation, this paper elaborates on three different categories of entitlements, reconstructs them from a gender-based approach, and proposes specific recommendations for the compensation for each of these categories.

Category 1: Compensation for individual material loss, which includes loss of labour and educational opportunities

Category 2: Compensation for individual moral loss, comprising mental suffering from dispersion, the division of families and the consequent impoverishment of women, torture, ill-treatment, imprisonment and detention of males and females

The author would like to acknowledge the assistance of Reem Mashal and Kim Elliott in the preparation of this report.The author would also like to thank Rosemary Sayigh and Rex Brynen for their useful comments on an earlier draft.

Engendering the compensation process, the focus of this paper, is an attempt to reduce existing gender inequalities among Palestinian refugees and ensure a more visible role for Palestinian women in the compensation process. Engendering refugee compensation negotiations entails, among other things, the delineation of gender aspects of refugee conditions, experiences and expectations, which in turn can result in a more integrative and inclusive study of refugees. In seeking to provide a comprehensive and inclusive approach to dealing with various aspects of refugee problems whether at the academic (e.g., research or study) level or at the political level of regional or international negotiations, this paper will argue for the importance of integrating gender in all aspects of negotiations on refugee issues. The concept of gender must be treated as integral to any approach to refugees, as it penetrates and defines the lived experiences, expectations and aspirations of all refugee communities. Including gender as an integral element of the compensation process helps illuminate the impact gender inequalities have had on the structure and character of the community prior to its becoming refugees; it delineates the differential experiences of males and females during conflict, and the differential experiences they have had in refugee camps, both in Palestine and in the diaspora.

In seeking to establish a gender perspective as a fundamental element for an inclusive approach to discussing refugee compensation, this paper will examine three broad areas:

Before proceeding and in order to establish a framework for the relationship between gender and compensation, the concept of gender will be defined and consequently related to the context of Palestinian refugee compensation.

Gender is the culturally specific set of characteristics that identifies the social behavior of women and men and the relationship between them. It refers not simply to women or men, but to the relationship between them, and the way these relations are socially constructed. Because it is a relational term, gender must include women and men. Gender is, therefore, an analytical tool for understanding social processes.

Gender Equity is the process of being fair to women and men. To ensure fairness, measures must often be available to compensate for historical and social disadvantages that prevent women and men from otherwise operating on a level playing field. Equity leads to equality.

Gender Equality means that women and men enjoy the same status, and that women and men have equal conditions for realizing their full human rights and potential to contribute to national, political, economic and cultural development, and to benefit from the results. However, because of historical injustices to women, same treatment of men and women does not often yield same results. Therefore, the concept of equality acknowledges that different treatment of women and men may sometimes be required to achieve sameness of results, because of different life conditions, or to compensate for past discrimination. Gender equality is therefore the equal valuing by society of both the similarities and differences between women and men, and the varying roles that they play. This notion of equality is embedded in International Laws and national Charters, including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

In the context of negotiating compensation as a part of a just and comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian refugee problem, gender equality will be used to mean equal enjoyment by women and men of socially-valued goods, opportunities, resources and rewards. Achieving gender equality, will thus require changes in institutional practices and social relations through which disparities are reinforced and sustained. It also requires a strong voice for women in shaping their societies.

A gender approach in research and policy decision-making on refugees is needed in order to unmask the differential experiences of women and men, the potentially different effects of policies, programs and legislation on women and men. We need gender-based analysis in order to assess the experiences of women’s and men’s different social realities, life expectations and economic circumstances, and to ensure the integration of these differences when accounting for compensation. Gender-based analysis must be seen as a tool for understanding social processes and for responding with informed and equitable options to the group targeted for compensation. To achieve this, a strategy of mainstreaming gender must be adopted with the aim of integrating gender equality concerns into the analyses and formulation of all policies, programs and projects designed for compensating refugees. Initiatives must be taken to enable women as well as men to formulate and express their views and participate in decision-making processes.

Since the 1975 launching of the UN Decade for Women in Mexico, and the UN Charter calling for the elimination of all forms of discrimination, most countries have made special efforts to prohibit discrimination on the basis of sex, and to promote gender equality. In fact, gender-based analysis has moved from the realm of academia or feminist intellectual exercise and entered into the actual political life of governments and institutions world-wide. Gender-based analysis, called for by the 1995 Beijing Platform of Action and the Commonwealth Plan of Action on Gender and Development, has been officially adopted by many countries, including Canada. Various governments have taken practical steps to include gender-based analysis at the decision-making levels in formulating their national and international policies. For instance, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs in New Zealand has declared that:

Social impact analysis, including gender analysis is not just an add-on, to be considered after costs and benefits have been assessed, but an integral part of good policy analysis. (Emphasis added).

In Canada, a cabinet approved policy requiring federal departments and agencies to undertake gender-based analysis within the development of future policies and legislation was formulated. Specifically, in its Federal Plan for Gender Equality (1995), the Government of Canada committed itself "to ensuring that all future legislation and policies include, where appropriate, an analysis of the potential for different impacts on women and men".

A gender approach/perspective must be seen as a holistic approach that guides the whole process of dealing with any social phenomenon, including refugees and compensation. A gender approach should be used as a guide to the whole process of solving the refugee problem. As Elizabeth Carrière has observed,

Gender analysis is focused not just on outcomes, but on the concepts, arguments and language used to justify policy. How needs are interpreted and discussed is intrinsic to policy development... Gender analysis should focus on whether the policy challenges or reinforces existing power structures based on gender.

To reiterate, for an inclusive approach to negotiations on refugee compensation, concerned parties must operate on the principle that gender-based analysis should be a common thread woven from beginning to end throughout the entire policy process, and not merely an additional heading/section in briefing notes. To do so, we shall first contextualize compensation and examine the implications of gender deficiency to the overall discussion/research on Palestinian refugees.

For an inclusive approach to negotiations on refugee compensation, concerned parties must operate on the principle that gender-based analysis should be a common thread woven from beginning to end throughout the entire policy process.

This section of the paper does not intend to re-invent the wheel, so to speak. It does not intend to re-examine the different aspects and modalities of compensation. The complexity of the issue is beyond the defined purpose of this paper. The current contextualization of compensation is concerned with one major issue, namely the recognition of compensation as just one part of a comprehensive solution to the Palestinian refugee problem and the way in which gender is relevant and necessary in such a contextualization. Compensation in this paper will be viewed as complementary to and not in lieu of other solutions to the refugee problem such as repatriation and the right of return. That such a linkage between all aspects of the Palestinian refugee situation must be recognized has been emphasized by authors such as Barakat, Al-Husseini, Abu-Sitta and Zureik. These experts also underscore the connection between the solution of the refugee problem and all relevant United Nations and other international laws, particularly the right of return as stipulated by the UNGA Resolution 194. Zureik expands on this point as he demonstrates the relationship between General Assembly Resolution 194 and the two resolutions passed by the Security Council following the 1967 and 1973 wars, Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.

Indeed, the right of return remains top on the agenda of camp refugees as recent interviews in two camps in Jordan and a recent poll among refugees in Lebanon have demonstrated.

Compensation becomes a two-fold process that entails, on the one hand, an understanding and deconstruction of the structure of injustices, violence and inequalities caused during conflict, and on the other, the construction of structures of justice and equality, through material and other forms of redress. It also enables a more comprehensive approach to dealing with refugee issues and opens up the space for gender considerations.

Compensation becomes a two-fold process that entails, on the one hand, an understanding and deconstruction of the structure of injustices, violence and inequalities caused during conflict, and on the other, the reconstruction of structures of justice and equality, through material and other forms of redress. It also enables a more comprehensive approach to dealing with refugee issues and opens up the space for gender considerations.

In order to understand the life experiences of Palestinian women refugees and appreciate their specific conditions, needs, and aspirations, a brief history of women’s life experiences prior to the creation of their status as refugees is in order. Before 1948, Palestine was an overwhelmingly agrarian society. Social and gender relations were organized around a system of production and reproduction known as the village or Hamula system. Around this system, cultivation, land redistribution and inheritance were organized and internal village conflicts were resolved. The important role played by the village/Hamula in organizing Palestinian social relations of production is evidenced throughout the literature on Palestine, where the village/Hamula is considered as the basic unit of the society. It is for this reason we find experts on compensation, such as Abu-Sitta, considering the village/Hamula as "the best unit of Palestinian society, on which the whole compensation system might be established".

Notwithstanding the significance of the village/Hamula in the social structure of Palestinian society, accepting it at face-value for compensation considerations is quite problematic, for the village/Hamula system was a hierarchical system based on gender, age and class differentiation. During the latter part of the 19th century and the early 20th century, the village/Hamula began to acquire different characteristics as the Palestinian economy was being transformed from a relatively self-sufficient economy into a market economy involving the production of commodities for sale. The introduction of private property laws began with the Ottoman Land Law of 1858. Later, the Land Reforms of 1872 aimed at curtailing the role of the Head of the Hamula through individual land registration, and by increasing direct Ottoman supervision over the extraction of surplus production.

The laws relating to private property placed tremendous pressure on the Fallaheen (peasants). While only a minority of the Fallaheen responded to these changes by registering their land and acquiring the Tabu (i.e., registration) papers, the majority adopted more stringent means to maintain control over the land they traditionally inherited and tilled. The most important aspect of such measures came in the responses of the Fallaheen and was expressed in prohibiting land parcelization and in the retaining of the tract of land as one piece for more efficient use. Such measures have resulted in the emergence of two forms of social discrimination; gender discrimination and class discrimination. Moreover, the popular notion that, as Muslims, the Palestinians have followed the Shari’a, which included all members of the family, including women, in the inheritance system, does not stand up to a reality check.

Women were excluded, or at least discouraged from inheritance in order to keep the land within the agnatic based family structure. Women’s share was often added to that of the Head of the Hamula. The exclusion of women from inheritance was reinforced by other socially and culturally constructed norms and traditions such as endogamous marriage, particularly the marrying of first cousins, which itself was promoted as a means to solidify the economic and political power of the head of Hamula - keeping land under close control. Class discrimination became embedded within the Hamula system and was expressed in the adoption of a system of inheritance known as Primogeniture, in which control over the land after the death of the ‘father’ remains in the hand of the elder son. Again, this was done to avoid parcelization. Yet, over the generations to follow, this discrimination resulted in the creation of ownership and landlessness between brothers and within the same family/Hamula.

Despite the important role played by the Fallahat (women peasants) in the production process as direct agricultural producers, the patriarchal norms and values constructed by the traditional Palestinian peasant society marginalized the value of women’s work and contributions. The marginalization and further de-valuation of women’s work increased with the emergence of a new ideological and cultural dimension, namely the encounter between European (Jewish), foreign culture and the indigenous, basically traditional and conservative Arab culture. The impact of this encounter was epitomized in 1948.

Thus, socially and culturally constructed norms within Palestinian society have resulted in women’s marginalization and consequent exclusion from landed property, despite their productive role and contributions. Women were not equal members of their society, nor did they enjoy equal rights within the Hamula. While more research on women and landed property is needed, data collected on wealthy families from Jabal Nablus support this claim. In her Women, Property and Islam. Palestinian Experiences 1920-1990, Annelle Moors argues that women forfeited their rights in favor of ‘social and cultural capital’. Women’s social and cultural capital refers to their education and their position within their natal families. By not claiming property rights and keeping land within her natal family, a woman can maintain a strong position after marriage. If marriage breaks down she can rely on her "father’s" house for shelter or refuge.

It is important to note however, that the absence of land deeds or registration papers as a proof (or lack) of ownership, must not, by any means, be construed as an actual absence of individual peasant possession of land. It must be remembered that peasants throughout the world, including Feudal Europe, often operated in ways that were culturally and historically specific and not by terms later invented by the liberal or capitalist system of commodification. In so far as most Palestinian peasants were concerned, the land was their rightful possession by tillage and inheritance from one generation to the next. Their deeds and entitlement to the land were more meaningful to them as customary relations, rather than as official papers imposed on them by a foreign colonial powers.

Notwithstanding the significance of the Hamula in the social structure of Palestinian society, accepting it at face-value for compensation considerations is problematic, for the Hamula system was a hierarchical system based on gender, age and class differentiation.

The marginalization and further exclusion of Palestinian women refugees from the productive and public spheres was further enhanced after 1948. As camp dwellers, whether in Palestine or in the host countries, Palestinian refugees lost access to land as their major means of survival. They, instead, became dependent on UNRWA for their basic needs. While life experiences of camp refugees have varied according to the political and economic conditions under which they found themselves, there are some common experiences which most camp women have shared. These experiences concern their very life conditions, rights, roles, and access to the public sphere, particularly with regards to labour and education.

One such commonality that characterises most refugee camps is the phenomenon of the feminization of poverty, which is the product of the feminization of the camp household. Palestinian refugee camp women, whether in Palestine or in host countries, have often found themselves without the traditional male bread-winner or ‘head-of-family’. The economic reasons that forced many men to leave the camp to seek employment as migrant laborers - whether in Israel, in the Gulf, or elsewhere in the diaspora - in addition to the political circumstances that resulted in men leaving the camp to join the PLO or be taken prisoner by Israel, have constructed a special social reality for women. Women were often left alone to attend to the family, assuming the roles of providers for children, the sick and the elderly, socializers and social and cultural reproducers. These roles were further complicated by the high fertility rates among Palestinians as well as the culturally constructed norms that privilege men’s education over that of women. Moreover, unlike boys, girls are often withdrawn from schools or even denied education because they are needed as additional hands (labour power) to help in maintaining and reproducing the household.

Early marriage, whether for economic, social or cultural reasons, has also influenced women’s lack of educational, labour and other opportunities. The tribal notion of "al Mara’ Imma Jabirha aw Qabirha" (marrying her off or her death) or that of "Min Beit Abuha la-Beit Jouzha" (from her father’s house to that of her husband), are commonly used notions expressing the future life prospects of Arab women. Neither education, nor public participation in the wage-labour force, are generally seen as important factors in the development of women. Palestinian refugees, while influenced by this culture, have also had to face additional political constraints such as restricted movement from the camps, particularly in Lebanon and the Gaza Strip.

Unlike other Palestinian women, camp refugee dwellers have been placed under particular national/cultural pressures as mothers with a specific national mission. As Rosemary Sayigh has observed, one of the primary roles camp women have played is that of reproducers and transmitters of the old culture and the lost national identity. This role has strengthened Palestinian national identity and opened further spaces for male public/political participation. Yet, at the same time, it has led to the further marginalization of refugee women as it has prioritized national concerns over gender rights, pushing women further away from the public productive sphere and into the domestic realm. In other words, the particular role that refugee women play as socializers and reproducers of the new generation with a specific cultural and national identity is a job that requires labour time and mental and physical effort, yet is often un-rewarded and unremunerated.

There is no doubt that Palestinian women have experienced refugee status differently than their male partners at all levels of the public sphere. They have been discriminated against and often marginalized in the labour force, in education, in political representation as well as in the private sphere. As for the latter, it is important to note that the combination of economic difficulties, overcrowding, social frustration and moral degradation among camp residents have resulted in various forms of domestic violence with women and female children bearing the brunt of this violence. Research on domestic violence, particularly against women in Gaza refugee camps has shown an increase in physical, mental, psychological and sexual violence against women. The Women’s Empowerment Project of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program has documented a sharp rise in cases of violence against women, including incest rape.

There is no doubt that Palestinian women have experienced refugee status differently than their male counterparts at all levels of the public sphere.

They have been discriminated against and marginalized in the labour force, in education, in political representation as well as in the private sphere.

The differential experiences of Palestinian refugee women and men, which are enhanced due to their refugee status, are not likely to be solved if gender issues are not addressed in negotiating the future status or citizenship rights of refugee women. Economic, political, legal and social/cultural discrimination against Palestinian women in almost all Arab countries, as well as in Israel, is not likely to change without special attention being paid to the issue.

The restrictions of movement that characterises women’s lives in refugee camps (be it legal restrictions imposed by the host state, e.g., Lebanon which excludes Palestinian refugees from civil/citizenship rights, or Gaza and the West Bank) has drastically reduced women’s labour and educational potentials. However, the situation is not much better for those who manage to find employment. Some refugee women are employed in the informal labour sector, either as domestic workers or in the sub-contracting system, labouring for the Israeli market, while in their own camps working conditions are deplorable and exploitation is triple. Here again, while the ontological status of these women, i.e., being refugees, contributes to their exploitation, their gender identity, being women intensifies their exploitation in the labour process. It is not surprising, therefore, that calculating losses of labour or potential labour would vary if gender considerations were taken into account.

A gender-based analysis to the study of Palestinian refugees demonstrates the differential experiences of males and females and underscores the gender specific character of the socio-economic, political and cultural lives of refugees.

So far, three major areas for compensation have been revisited from a gender perspective: land/property inheritance and women’s traditional exclusion thereof; the increase in women’s marginalization in the productive and reproductive spheres as a result of their refugee status; and the further deterioration of their status in the educational system, also re-enforced by their status as refugees.

This section briefly surveys international customary and Human Rights Laws that are relevant to the experiences of Palestinian women. Emphasis will be placed on International treaties and conventions that deal specifically with compensation made on the basis of gender or sex.

Although relatively new, compensation for gender/sex related violations is an area of increasing international concern. There are specific International conventions and laws that protect and safeguard women from abuse on the basis of their sex. The two most comprehensive international bills of rights of women are: the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), adopted by the UNGA on 18 December 1979, and the Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action adopted in November, 1995.

The CEDAW regulates the relationship between the State and the female citizen and is thus not applicable to Palestinian refugees. Nonetheless, it is an important international reference to consider if and when discussions of refugee settlement in any existing state occur, as both Israel and neighbouring Arab countries are signatories to the CEDAW Convention. The binding force of CEDAW is not its legal, but rather its moral power and commitment to gender equality within the boundaries of the state.

Commitment to CEDAW varies according to an individual state’s respect of human rights and international laws. Canada, for instance, has demonstrated a high commitment to women’s rights and gender issues. Canada has been a pioneer in some areas, for instance in considering persecution on gender or sexual basis as grounds for granting asylum and refugee status. Also, aware of the negative impact labour discrimination against women causes, the Canadian government, following a federal Court ruling in October 1999, is expected to compensate about 200,000 mostly female employees for loss of wages they incurred on the basis of their sex.

The Beijing Conference and Platform of Action elaborates and expands on the terms of CEDAW, and has more direct relevance to Palestinian women refugees. A key area of concern within the Platform of Action, Critical Area E, concerns women under Armed Conflict. The relevance of Critical Area E to the Palestinian case is found in the very definitions provided by the Platform of Action:

Peace is inextricably linked with equality between women and men and development.

Violations of the human rights of women in situations of armed conflict are violations of the fundamental principles of international human rights and humanitarian law.

Violations of human rights in situations of armed conflict and military occupation are violations of the fundamental principles of international human rights and humanitarian law.

The Beijing Platform of Action carries special weight in the Palestinian case because of the definition it attributes to the term ‘Armed Conflict’. People in armed conflict, according to the Platform of Action, include those living under ‘military occupation’, ‘colonialism’, ‘foreign’ or ‘alien’ rule. In other words, included in the definition of living in armed conflict are the overwhelming majority of Palestinians, West Bankers, Gazans and all camp refugees living outside of Israel/Palestine.

Based on the assumption that participatory approaches are more effective than top-down initiatives, and that both women and men must be involved in negotiations for peace building and the resolution of the Palestinian refugee problem, the following section aims to highlight women’s perspective, contributions, and the need for their involvement in negotiating compensation claims. Two key issues will be addressed here: the first relates to mechanisms for engendering the process of negotiating compensation; the second will deal with specific modalities for a gendered approach to compensation.

This section of the paper will be based on the contextual framework presented earlier on the status of Palestinian refugee women and their gender experiences. It must be pointed out here that the term ‘refugee’ will be used to denote camp dwellers, registered and unregistered refugees.

This discussion argues for the engendering of the very process of negotiating refugee compensation claims. Following the recommendations of the Beijing Platform of Action, and as an essential requirement for the maintenance of peace and security and ensuring equitable compensations, the process of negotiation needs to consider an alternative mechanism for its operation; one which ensures equal access and full participation of women in the negotiation process. Women must be encouraged and supported to join the negotiation process at all levels. Representation can be drawn from the women’s movement, NGOs working on peace and women’s and human rights issues, academics, refugee camp dwellers and researchers with gender-based analysis backgrounds.

Encouraging women to participate in the negotiation process entails specific mechanisms that would give women important roles and functions to play and ensures that they are not treated as tokens, but as an integral resource base in the negotiating process. Women participants can be entrusted in bringing gender perspectives into the negotiation table as well as implementing them. Women participants can play specific roles such as: information resources; gathering information on the gender-differentiated roles of refugees; gender consultants and overall observers. Employing these different mechanisms are likely to affect existing data, particularly if gender or sex-disaggregated data is to be employed in the various areas or compensation; including calculating individual claims for loss of landed property, education, labour and other forms of entitlements.

Canada can be used as an important resource on gender issues. The Status of Women, along with CIDA’s Gender Equality Division, have developed methodologies for conducting gender-based analysis in policies and programs, and for dealing with the differential effects of policies on women and men.

Guaranteeing a gender equitable process of negotiation, as suggested above, can facilitate subsequent discussions and decisions about compensation by at least minimizing the historical and current gender gap and inferior position Palestinian women in general and refugees in particular have been subjugated to as a result of their status as refugees and displaced people. It can also lead to a more inclusive system of refugee compensation as will be demonstrated further in the following sub-section.

Women participants in the compensation negotiation process should be encouraged to play specific roles such as: information resources; gathering information on the gender differentiated roles of refugees; gender consultants and overall observers.

Employing these different mechanisms are likely to affect existing data, particularly if gender or sex-disaggregated data is to be employed in the various areas or compensation; including calculating individual claims for loss of landed property, education, labour and other forms of entitlements.

The following discussion provides a re-consideration of compensation approaches from a gender perspective. To facilitate this discussion we shall present three areas of compensation and reconstruct them by building on the ‘Modalities’ provided at the PRRN/IDRC Workshop on Compensation in July 14-15, 1999 held in Ottawa (refer to Annex I).

To begin with, it must be observed here that all ‘modalities’ presented at the PRRN/IDRC Workshop focused on one form of compensation: compensation for material loss of private property, most notably land. All scenarios for compensation (e.g., claimants, formula, mechanism and process) were built around material considerations only. Yet, as discussed in this paper, Palestinian women’s refugee experiences include the ‘feminization of poverty’, the loss of educational and labour opportunities. Such experiences cannot be approached or measured in quantitative manner alone. Special approaches to these experiences will be considered here.

For a more inclusive approach to compensation, following Abu-Sitta’s categorization of areas of compensation, a formula based on three different categories of entitlements will be considered. These are the following:

Of the two categories of claimants presented in the Report on the PRRN/IDRC, the one which refers to ‘claims made by individual 1948 property owners (and their heirs), is preferable to that based on ‘claims made by extended family (hamula) or village’. The first choice, i.e., individual-based claims, has the potential of minimizing the gender gap and can be more advantageous to women. As has already been discussed, the village/Hamula system of property and inheritance has traditionally excluded women and disadvantaged them and their female heirs. Neither the traditional Hamula system nor the new one encouraged by the PA have the potential to address gender inequalities. Having said that, however, the individual-based system must be modified to accommodate gender needs.

It is most likely that almost all registration papers will appear in the names of males, single or heads of individual (nuclear) families, and hence, Palestinian women and girls can be expected to be excluded from this category of compensation. To engender the term ‘individual claim’, monetary compensation considered can be divided proportionately according to the gender/sex composition of the claimant’s own family. Gender-disaggregated data should be used to determine the gender composition of 1948 peasant families and a similar method can be used to determine gender composition of peasants’ heirs. This approach must be based on a gender-based analysis and the ability to re-define the concept of ‘ownership’ from a male concept to a gendered one. A similar approach can be employed to all monetary compensation considered, including items classified as non-material but which could be calculated in monetary terms.

A formula of direct payment to claimants is preferred over that of indirect payment, whether the latter is made through the state, the Hamula, or any other third party. To minimize gender inequality among Palestinian refugees, a claims-based system, while not the solution, might be preferred over state or hamula systems, if it is reassessed to ensure the inclusion of women. This system can minimize gender inequalities among claimants. For loss of landed and other forms of movable and immovable property, cash payment is a preferred mechanism, rather than payments in kind or in services. This mechanism is particularly important for single women, single-mother families or families dependent on female members for their survival. However, a claims based system can provide a partial solution to the gender inequalities among claimants only. It does not address the class inequalities of pre-1948 Palestinian peasants, and in fact can lead to further differentiation between Palestinian women. A more reasonable and just formula of just compensation would be to compensate all 1948 Palestinian refugees and their descendents, through a flat per-capita rate payable to individuals. This formula addresses both the gender and class inequalities of Palestinian refugees. Most importantly, it recognizes the destitution and impoverishment of the falleheen, which was largely due to the political context of the time. With sex-disaggregated data on Palestinian refugees of 1948, this formula can prove to be less complicated than all others suggested.

The process of payment for loss of landed or other forms of property is especially important for gender equality. As demonstrated in the first section of this paper, the state, has traditionally been a major factor contributing to the inferior status of women and therefore cannot be trusted to distribute money in a gender equitable system. A third party, such as a UN commission, an international commission or any other international NGO committee, should be gender oriented and gender based. This can be accomplished by the inclusion of women as gender analysts, gender resource people, and most importantly as gender observers to guarantee a gender-equitable process. Women involved can be Palestinian and international women drawn from the women’s movement, NGOs working on peace and women’s and human rights issues, academics, refugee camp dwellers and researchers with gender-based analysis backgrounds. The presence of such a team can minimize gender inequalities in past and present experiences of refugee women, whether these experiences were in the productive or reproductive spheres.

The integration of gender oriented members in the process of dispensation of compensation ensures that alternative approaches of qualitative and quantitative data can, for example, be collected on differential experiences of loss of labour and educational opportunities for women, allowing for the use of gender-disaggregated data, re-definition of the terms productive and reproductive labour, the inclusion of reproductive labour (domestic and other informal forms of labour), and the issue of gender-based labour exploitation.

Engendering Compensation for individual material loss, including loss of labour and educational opportunities

The gender-based modalities are applicable to the three areas of entitlements mentioned above, in so far as monetary compensation is concerned. However, monetary compensation is not the only means of compensation, particularly in areas where losses involve social, mental, psychological or other non-material forms. In fact, in these areas, compensation in other than monetary means, as will be seen shortly, may prove to be more beneficial for women victims than money. For example, in the area of labour and education, Palestinian women refugees can benefit a great deal from compensation that involves the development of existing community programs or the establishment of new ones. They can also benefit from investment in services for them and their female children, such as special educational centers; re-skilling programs; health services and awareness centers, family clinics...and so on. The key issue however, is that Palestinian women, including refugees, NGOs working with women and other non-official gender-based organizations must be in charge of the organization of such services. They must have a say and be in a decision making position to determine the form and nature of these services and the type of community development they deem necessary.

As a category that comprises mental suffering from dispersion, the division of families, imprisonment and detentions, this category has general relevance to Palestinian women as defined by the Beijing Platform of Action, namely, women living in armed conflict, with specific relevance to camp refugee women. This category can be partly compensated in monetary forms in cases, for example, when time spent in prison is seen as loss in educational and labour opportunities. If this mechanism is chosen as a form of redress, claimants must include women. A gendered claims-based system is to be followed, and the process could be managed through a third party (not Israel or Palestine). Palestinian women refugees, as demonstrated earlier have received the lion’s share of suffering as a result of the division of families. To minimize their historic and current suffering, it is advised that compensation considers the phenomenon of the ‘feminization of poverty’. Moreover, the imprisonment, detention and ill-treatment of Palestinian females must also be highlighted and taken into consideration. As in the first category of entitlement, the key issue here is guaranteeing that a due process of a gender-based distribution system is followed. By a gendered-based process of distribution or dispensation of compensation we mean the inclusion of women serving as gender experts, resource people, gender consultants and as overall observers to foster a gender equitable approach to the process of compensation.

Yet, monetary compensation is not the only form of redress here. Other mechanisms such as services and investment in community development may prove equally beneficial. Special educational and re-skilling centers along with the development of existing programs dealing with mental health problems, like the Gaza Community Mental Health Program can be encouraged and supported. Women’s sufferings can also be addressed through the development of existing women’s centers or through the establishment of new women’s organizations dealing with mental and psychological problems.

Compensation for individual moral loss, comprising mental suffering from dispersion, the division of families and the consequent impoverishment of women, torture, ill-treatment, imprisonment and detention of males and females

Claimants Engendered	Strengths and Weaknesses
Claims made by individual 1948 property owners (and their heirs)	strengths: By including both men and women in the definition of claimants, this category addresses gender inequality within individual 1948 property owners; can be gender inclusive within the class of property owners; guarantees women claimants access to compensation. weaknesses: reproduces social inequality between Palestinian women; fosters social divisions existent in pre 1948 Palestine.
Claims made by extended family (hamula) or villages	strengths: No major/significant gender quality impact.weaknesses:. Male biased; fails to address gender inequality; as discussed in the paper, this category discriminates against the young and the female members of the Hamula.
Claims made by all refugees, irregardless of property ownership, including original and subsequent generations	strengths: Including within the definition of ‘individuals’ both males and females, this category addresses gender inequality; addresses social inequality existent in pre-1948; and is most preferred by refugee women and their descendants. weaknesses: No significant weakness on gender basis.
Collective claim made by Palestinian state on behalf of all refugees	no significant relevance to gender issues.
Collective claims made by host governments for the previous costs of hosting refugees	no significant relevance to gender issues.

Formula	Strengths / Weaknesses
claims-based system, in which compensation is based on the value of lost property (or a portion thereof)	strengths: Similar to the claims-based system model; has the potential of including women claimants and thus addresses gender inequality within individual 1948 property owners; can be gender inclusive within the class of property owners; guarantees women claimants access to compensation. weaknesses: Similar to weaknesses mentioned in the claims-based system mode; reproduces social inequality between Palestinian women; fosters social divisions existent in pre 1948 Palestine.
modified claims-based system, in which claimants are slotted into various "categories" (based on estimated claim size), and receive standardized payments	strengths: See category "FORMULA, A" above. weaknesses: See category "FORMULA, B" above.
per capita payment system, in which all refugees receive equal payments	strengths: By far the best; addresses social and gender inequalities of pre-1948 property ownership system; most preferred by women. weaknesses: No significant weakness on the gender side.
modified per capita payment system, in which some classes of claimants (i.e. returnees vs non-returnees, or first-generation vs subsequent generation refugees) receive different levels of compensation	strengths: Still more advantageous than the claims-based system; addresses social and gender inequalities of pre-1948 property ownership. weaknesses: Insignificant weakness in so far as gender is concerned.

Mechanism	Strengths / Weaknesses
cash payments to individuals	strengths: Preferred mechanism for compensating landed and other forms of movable and immovable property; provides female refugees with great flexibility; preferred mechanism for female-headed refugee families, single mother families and families dependent on female members for survival. weaknesses: Is not adequate for compensating social, moral or psychological losses and sufferings.
services/vouchers/entitlements for individuals and families	strengths: This is more adequate for compensating non-material losses; can be used for women's empowerment and further development; can be better integrated into developmental projects; particularly relevant to female refugees previously denied access to social and educational development. weaknesses: Highly inadequate if used in lieu of cash compensation; possibility of little control of women over quality and effectiveness of services provided to individuals and families
investment in community development	strengths: Useful if used to raise gender consciousness and promote gender equality; with women participants as decision-makers, this mechanism can be useful to promote women's economic, social and educational development. weaknesses: Possibility of little control of women over development decision-making.
equity (refugee ownership of investment or development corporation or similar collective entity)	strengths: None. weaknesses: Combines the weaknesses of the services and community investment models mentioned above.

Process	Strengths / Weaknesses
payment of lump sum to Palestinian state, to be subsequently distributed	strengths: No strengths worth mentioning on a gender-basis. weaknesses: In addition to potential problems of transparency and accountability, no guarantee that women would benefit. In fact, as discussed in the paper, this model would be highly disadvantageous to women refugees.
binational commission (Palestine, Israel)	strengths: Similar to payment to the Palestinian state, no strengths worth mentioning on gender basis. weaknesses: Similar to weaknesses of the Palestinian state model, this model provides no guarantee that women would benefit; would be highly disadvantageous to women refugees.
trilateral commission (Palestine, Israel, other)	strengths: Combines the characteristics of the Palestinian state and the bi-national models. weaknesses: Combines the weaknesses of both the Palestinian state and the bi-national commission.
international commission (others, acceptable to Palestine and Israel)	strengths: As discussed in p. 14 of the paper, a third party commission which would be gender oriented and gender-based can guarantee gender equality; a gender-oriented third party commission has great potential for minimizing gender inequalities in past and present experiences of refugee women; high degree of transparency and accountability. weaknesses: A strong linkage between this party and the Palestinian or Israeli state might defuse gender issues and marginalize women's status.
UN commission	strengths: Combines the strengths in the international commission model; as a UN commission, it can be more independent than the international model above; a gender-based and oriented commission has morepotential for handling refugee compensation in a just manner at both social and gender levels. weaknesses: Might face obstacles from the Palestinian and/or Israeli state which in turn could affect UN gender policies.
UNRWA or UNRWA successor agency	strengths: Can be more reliable than the state, bi-national or the national models if UNRWA or its successor agency revise their gender policies and practice and adopt a gender-equitable or equal strategies. weaknesses: Less reliable and gender effective than a UN Commission.
determination of amounts, modalities and mechanisms left to future Palestinian-Israeli negotiations	strengths: Positive gender impact only if the whole negotiation process is revised to address existing gender gap. weaknesses: If left as is in terms of structure and composition, current or future negotiations would be gender-biased and quite discriminatory against women.